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George Wallace

George Wallace


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George Wallace, putra seorang petani, lahir di Clio, Alabama, pada 25 Agustus 1919. Ia belajar di Universitas Alabama dan menerima gelar sarjana hukum pada 1942.

Wallace bertugas di Angkatan Udara Angkatan Darat Amerika Serikat selama Perang Dunia Kedua. Setelah perang, ia menjadi asisten jaksa agung Alabama sebelum terpilih sebagai anggota Badan Legislatif Alabama pada tahun 1947. Wallace juga menjabat sebagai hakim Distrik Yudisial Ketiga Alabama (1953-1958).

Seorang anggota Partai Demokrat, Wallace berusaha pada tahun 1958 untuk menjadi kandidat partainya untuk gubernur Alabama. Saingan utamanya, John Patterson, Jaksa Agung Alabama, adalah seorang segregasi yang blak-blakan yang telah menjadi pahlawan populer dengan rasis kulit putih dengan menggunakan pengadilan negara bagian untuk menyatakan NAACP di Alabama sebagai organisasi ilegal. Patterson didukung oleh Ku Klux Klan dan dengan mudah mengalahkan Wallace.

Setelah pemilihan Patterson mengakui bahwa: "Alasan utama saya mengalahkannya (Wallace) adalah karena dia dianggap lunak dalam soal balapan." Wallace setuju dan memutuskan untuk menghentikan dukungannya untuk integrasi dan dikutip mengatakan: "tidak ada bajingan lain yang akan pernah keluar dari saya lagi".

Salah satu cara Wallace meningkatkan kredensial rasisnya adalah dengan merekrut Asa Earl Carter sebagai penulis pidato utamanya dalam pemilihan tahun 1962. Carter, kepala organisasi teroris Ku Klux Klan, adalah salah satu rasis paling ekstrem di Alabama. Carter menulis sebagian besar pidato Wallace selama kampanye dan ini termasuk slogan: "Segregasi sekarang! Segregasi besok! Segregasi selamanya!"

Selama kampanye untuk menjadi gubernur Alabama pada tahun 1962, dia mengatakan kepada hadirin bahwa jika pemerintah federal berusaha untuk mengintegrasikan sekolah-sekolah Alabama, "Saya akan menolak untuk mematuhi perintah pengadilan federal yang ilegal bahkan sampai berdiri di pintu gedung sekolah." Kampanye Wallace populer di kalangan pemilih kulit putih dan dia dengan mudah memenangkan pemilihan.

Pada Juni 1963, Wallace memblokir pendaftaran mahasiswa Afrika-Amerika di Universitas Alabama. Tindakan serupa di Birmingham, Huntsville dan Mobile membuatnya menjadi tokoh nasional dan salah satu tokoh terkemuka negara itu melawan gerakan hak-hak sipil. Martin Luther King mengatakan kepada seorang jurnalis pada tahun 1963 bahwa Wallace adalah "mungkin rasis paling berbahaya di Amerika saat ini."

Wallace terus menolak tuntutan John F. Kennedy dan pemerintah federal untuk mengintegrasikan sistem pendidikan Alabama. Pada tanggal 5 September dia memerintahkan sekolah-sekolah di Birmingham untuk tutup dan mengatakan kepada Waktu New York bahwa untuk menghentikan integrasi, Alabama membutuhkan "beberapa pemakaman kelas satu".

Seminggu kemudian sebuah bom meledak di luar Sixteenth Street Baptist Church di Birmingham, menewaskan empat siswi yang menghadiri kelas sekolah Minggu. Dua puluh tiga orang lainnya juga terluka akibat ledakan itu.

Hukum Alabama melarang Wallace dari berdiri sebagai gubernur untuk masa jabatan kedua pada tahun 1966. Istrinya, Lurleen Wallace, berdiri sebagai gantinya dan kemenangannya menentukan bahwa Wallace akan mempertahankan kekuasaan.

Pada bulan Februari 1968, Wallace mengumumkan niatnya untuk berdiri sebagai calon independen untuk presiden. Permusuhannya terhadap undang-undang hak-hak sipil membuatnya mendapatkan dukungan dari pemilih kulit putih di Deep South dan memenangkan Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama dan Georgia. Meskipun ia memenangkan lebih dari 9 juta suara, ia berada di urutan ketiga setelah Richard Nixon (31.770.237) dan Hubert Humphrey (31.270.533).

Nixon khawatir Wallace akan mencalonkan diri sebagai kandidat pihak ketiga dalam pemilihan berikutnya. Strategi awal Nixon adalah menghancurkan basis kekuatan Wallace di Alabama. Ini termasuk menyediakan $400.000 untuk mencoba dan membantu Albert Brewer mengalahkan Wallace sebagai gubernur. Strategi ini gagal dan pada tahun 1970 Wallace meraih kemenangan telak untuk masa jabatan kedua sebagai gubernur Alabama.

Ini gagal dan Richard Nixon harus mengubah strateginya menjadi salah satu pemerasan. Dengan bantuan Murray Chotiner, Nixon menemukan rincian kegiatan korupsi Wallace di Alabama. Pada Juli 1969, Nixon menekan IRS untuk membentuk Staf Layanan Khusus (SSS). Peran SSS adalah untuk menargetkan musuh politik Nixon. Pada tahun 1970 SSS telah menyusun daftar 4.000 individu. Sebagian besar daftar ini ada di sebelah kiri. Namun, Nixon sekarang menambahkan Wallace dan beberapa ajudannya ke dalam daftar ini. Termasuk kakak George, Gerald Wallace, yang memang meraup untung dari aktivitas bisnisnya. Ini termasuk kontrak senilai $2,9 juta untuk aspal yang diberikan kepada perusahaan Gerald meskipun dia membebankan $2,50 per ton di atas harga yang berlaku. Pada Agustus 1970, SSS memiliki 75 orang yang mengerjakan apa yang dikenal sebagai "Proyek Alabama".

Untuk menunjukkan bahwa Nixon serius, salah satu pembantu terdekat Wallace, Seymore Trammell, dijebloskan ke penjara selama 4 tahun karena korupsi. Nixon kemudian menggunakan Winston Blount, Postmaster General-nya, untuk memulai negosiasi dengan Wallace. Kesepakatan akhirnya dicapai dengan Wallace. Sebagai imbalan untuk membatalkan SSS Wallace membuat pernyataan bahwa dia tidak akan menjadi kandidat pihak ketiga. Pada 12 Januari 1972, Jaksa Agung John N. Mitchell mengumumkan bahwa dia tidak akan menuntut Gerald Wallace. Hari berikutnya Wallace memberikan konferensi pers di mana dia mengumumkan dia tidak akan menjadi kandidat pihak ketiga.

Segera menjadi pasti bahwa George McGovern akan mendapatkan nominasi dari Partai Demokrat. Namun, Wallace melakukan jauh lebih baik dari yang diharapkan. Richard Nixon sekarang khawatir Wallace tidak akan menepati janjinya dan menjadi kandidat pihak ketiga. Jajak pendapat menunjukkan bahwa hampir semua suara Wallace akan datang dari calon pendukung Nixon. Jika Wallace berdiri, Nixon menghadapi kemungkinan dikalahkan oleh McGovern.

Pada 15 Mei 1972, Arthur Bremer mencoba membunuh Wallace. pada rapat umum kampanye presiden di Laurel, Maryland. Wallace dipukul empat kali. Tiga orang lainnya, Kapten Polisi Negara Bagian Alabama E. C. Dothard, Dora Thompson, seorang sukarelawan kampanye Wallace, dan Nick Zarvos, seorang agen Dinas Rahasia, juga terluka dalam serangan itu.

Mark Felt dari Biro Investigasi Federal segera mengambil alih kasus tersebut. Menurut sejarawan Dan T. Carter (Politik Kemarahan), Merasa memiliki kontak tepercaya di Gedung Putih: Charles Colson. Felt memberi tahu Colson. Dalam waktu 90 menit setelah penembakan, Richard Nixon dan Colson terekam sedang mendiskusikan kasus tersebut. Nixon mengatakan kepada Colson bahwa dia khawatir bahwa Bremer "mungkin memiliki hubungan dengan Partai Republik atau, lebih buruk lagi, komite pemilihan ulang Presiden". Nixon juga meminta Colson mencari cara untuk menyalahkan George McGovern atas penembakan itu.

Selama beberapa jam berikutnya, Colson dan Felt berbicara enam kali di telepon. Felt memberi Colson alamat rumah Bremer. Colson sekarang menelepon E. Howard Hunt dan memintanya untuk masuk ke apartemen Bremer untuk mengetahui apakah dia memiliki dokumen yang menghubungkannya dengan Nixon atau George McGovern. Menurut otobiografi Hunt, Rahasia, dia tidak menyukai ide ini tetapi membuat persiapan untuk perjalanan. Dia mengklaim bahwa nanti malam Colson membatalkan operasi.

Pukul 17.00 Thomas Farrow, kepala FBI Baltimore, memberikan rincian alamat Bremer ke kantor FBI di Milwaukee. Segera setelah itu dua agen FBI tiba di blok apartemen Bremer dan mulai mewawancarai tetangga. Namun, mereka tidak memiliki surat perintah penggeledahan dan tidak masuk ke apartemen Bremer.

Pada waktu yang hampir bersamaan, James Rowley, kepala Dinas Rahasia, memerintahkan salah satu agennya di Milwaukee untuk masuk ke apartemen Bremer. Tidak pernah terungkap mengapa Rowley mengambil tindakan ini. Saat agen ini sedang mencari apartemen, FBI menemukan apa yang terjadi. Menurut John Ehrlichman, FBI sangat marah ketika mereka menemukan Secret Service di apartemen sehingga mereka hampir menembaki mereka.

Secret Service mengambil dokumen dari apartemen Bremer. Tidak diketahui apakah mereka menanam sesuatu sebelum mereka pergi. Bagaimanapun, FBI menemukan materi yang diterbitkan oleh Black Panther Party dan American Civil Liberties Union di apartemen. Kedua set agen sekarang meninggalkan apartemen Bremer tanpa segel. Selama 80 menit berikutnya beberapa wartawan memasuki apartemen dan mengambil dokumen.

Charles Colson juga menelepon wartawan di Washington Post dan Berita Detroit dengan berita bahwa bukti telah ditemukan bahwa Bremer adalah seorang sayap kiri dan terkait dengan kampanye George McGovern. Para wartawan juga diberi tahu bahwa Bremer adalah "anggota Demokrat Muda Milwaukee yang membayar iuran". Keesokan harinya Bob Woodward (Washington Post) dan Gerald terHost (Berita Detroit) mempublikasikan cerita ini.

Hari berikutnya FBI menemukan buku harian Bremer setebal 137 halaman di mobil Rambler biru miliknya. Kalimat pembukanya adalah: "Sekarang saya memulai buku harian saya tentang rencana pribadi saya untuk membunuh dengan pistol, baik Richard Nixon atau George Wallace." Nixon awalnya dicurigai berada di balik pembunuhan itu tetapi buku harian itu membuatnya lolos. Buku harian itu akhirnya diterbitkan sebagai buku, Buku Harian Seorang Pembunuh (1973).

Wallace selamat dari upaya pembunuhan. Dia secara bertahap mengembangkan pandangan bahwa salah satu pembantu Nixon memerintahkan pembunuhan itu. Untuk membalas dendam, dia mengumumkan bahwa dia akan menjadi kandidat pihak ketiga. Namun, kesehatan Wallace telah rusak parah dan dengan enggan ia harus mundur dari balapan.

Pada bulan Mei 1974, Martha Mitchell mengunjungi Wallace di Montgomery. Dia mengatakan kepadanya bahwa suaminya, John N. Mitchell, telah mengaku bahwa Charles Colson mengadakan pertemuan dengan Arthur Bremer empat hari sebelum upaya pembunuhan.

Wallace memerintahkan penyelidikannya sendiri ke Bremer. Dia mengatakan kepada teman-temannya bahwa dia yakin bahwa pembantu Nixon telah mengatur pembunuhan itu. Wallace memberikan wawancara kepada Jack Nelson dari Los Angeles Times. Wallace memberi tahu Nelson bahwa pria yang terlihat berbicara dengan Bremer di Feri Danau Michigan sangat mirip dengan G. Gordon Liddy.

Wallace lumpuh sebagian akibat serangan Arthur Bremer. Setelah lama berada di rumah sakit, Wallace dapat kembali ke politik. Dia meminta maaf atas sikap sebelumnya tentang hak-hak sipil dan selama tahun 1982 memenangkan jabatan gubernur dengan dukungan substansial dari pemilih Afrika-Amerika.

Kesehatan yang buruk memaksa Wallace untuk pensiun dari politik pada tahun 1987. Dia melanjutkan dukungannya terhadap integrasi dan pada bulan Maret 1995, Wallace menghadiri pemberlakuan kembali pawai hak-hak sipil Selma ke Montgomery.

George Wallace meninggal pada 13 September 1998.

Alabama tidak akan mundur satu inci pun. Saya tidak peduli apa yang dilakukan negara bagian lain. Saya telah mengumumkan bahwa saya akan menarik garis dalam debu. Dan saya akan berdiri di pintu untuk memblokir masuknya pasukan federal dari marshal federal atau siapa pun. Mereka harus menangkap saya sebelum mereka mengintegrasikan Universitas Alabama.

Hukum dan ketertiban akan selalu rusak ketika Anda mencoba mencampuradukkan ras di sini di bagian negara kita. Saya tidak membenci orang dengan warna kulit yang berlawanan. Saya punya orang kulit berwarna - Saya telah tinggal di sekitar mereka sepanjang hidup saya, anak-anak saya sekarang sedang dirawat oleh orang kulit berwarna. Saya hanya tidak percaya pada pencampuran sosial dan pendidikan.

Selamat malam, saudara-saudaraku warga. Sore ini, menyusul serangkaian ancaman dan pernyataan menantang, kehadiran Alabama National Guardsman diperlukan oleh University of Alabama untuk melaksanakan perintah terakhir dan tegas dari Pengadilan Distrik Amerika Serikat.

Hari ini kami berkomitmen untuk perjuangan di seluruh dunia untuk mempromosikan dan melindungi hak semua orang yang ingin bebas. Dan ketika orang Amerika dikirim ke Vietnam atau Berlin Barat, kami tidak meminta orang kulit putih saja. Oleh karena itu, seharusnya memungkinkan bagi siswa Amerika dari warna apa pun untuk menghadiri lembaga publik mana pun yang mereka pilih tanpa harus didukung oleh pasukan.

Masyarakat menjadi berantakan. Apa gunanya memaksakan keputusan ini ketika orang kulit putih tidak menginginkan integrasi? Apa yang dibutuhkan negara ini adalah beberapa pemakaman kelas satu, dan beberapa pemakaman politik juga.

Pria yang berusaha membunuh Gubernur George Wallace telah dijatuhi hukuman 63 tahun penjara oleh pengadilan di Maryland, AS. Arthur Bremer, 21, dari Milwaukee, Wisconsin, menembak calon Gedung Putih Mr Wallace pada rapat umum politik di Laurel, Maryland pada 15 Mei. Mr Wallace, gubernur Alabama yang menjadi terkenal pada 1960-an karena politik segregasinya, dilumpuhkan oleh tembakan dan tiga orang lainnya terluka dalam insiden itu. Juri yang terdiri dari enam pria dan enam wanita membutuhkan waktu lebih dari satu setengah jam untuk mencapai vonis mereka pada akhir persidangan lima hari di Upper Marlboro, Maryland. Pembela berpendapat bahwa Bremer secara hukum gila pada saat penembakan dan bahwa dia "tidak memiliki kapasitas emosional untuk memahami apa pun". Namun pengadilan menolak argumen ini setelah jaksa berpendapat bahwa dia benar-benar waras. Arthur Marshall, untuk penuntutan, mengatakan kepada pengadilan bahwa Bremer telah mencari kemuliaan dan masih menyesal bahwa Mr Wallace belum meninggal. Mr Marshall berkata: "Dia tahu dia akan ditangkap ... dia tahu dia akan diadili." Setelah persidangan, ayah Bremer, William Bremer, berkata: "Saya tidak pernah melihat yang seperti ini. "Jika ini adalah keadilan Maryland, saya tidak dapat memahaminya. "Jika 12 orang mendengar semua kesaksian itu dan tidak dapat memutuskan bahwa mereka berurusan dengan seorang anak laki-laki yang sakit, saya tidak dapat melihatnya." Bremer dibawa dari pengadilan dengan mobil polisi yang diperkuat, dan dijaga oleh 15 petugas, untuk memulai hukumannya. Belum diketahui apakah Gubernur Wallace akan cukup sehat untuk melanjutkan pencalonannya sebagai presiden.

Polisi segera menangkap seorang pemuda berambut pirang yang diidentifikasi sebagai Arthur Herman Bremer, seorang busboy berusia 21 tahun dan petugas kebersihan dari Milwaukee, Wis. Dia didakwa oleh otoritas negara bagian dengan empat tuduhan penyerangan dengan niat untuk membunuh dan didakwa di Baltimore pada dua kasus federal. biaya. Salah satu tuduhan federal adalah mengganggu hak-hak sipil calon pejabat federal, ketentuan Undang-Undang Hak Sipil 1968. Tuduhan kedua Wallace adalah karena menyerang seorang perwira federal; salah satu dari empat orang yang tertembak di rapat umum itu adalah (a) petugas Dinas Rahasia.

Bagaimana mantan anak laki-laki bus dan petugas kebersihan, yang memperoleh $3.016 tahun lalu, menurut formulir pajak pendapatan Federal yang ditemukan di apartemennya, menghidupi dirinya sendiri dan berhasil membeli senjata, tape recorder, radio portabel dengan pita polisi, teropong, dan peralatan lainnya. membawa, serta membiayai perjalanannya?

Di Washington, sumber federal mengatakan bahwa Bremer telah ditempatkan secara positif di Ottawa selama kunjungan Presiden, tetapi mereka mengatakan bahwa tidak ada bukti bahwa Bremer "menguntit" Nixon.... Keamanan keseluruhan untuk kunjungan Nixon umumnya dianggap paling ketat dalam sejarah Kanada .... Selain itu, sumber federal mengatakan bahwa beberapa catatan kemudian ditemukan di mobil Bremer menunjukkan bahwa dia baru-baru ini berada di Kanada .... Sebuah sumber federal yang dapat dipercaya dekat dengan penyelidikan yang disebut "luar biasa" gambar Perjalanan Bremer sedang dikumpulkan oleh penyelidik federal.

Beberapa jam setelah upaya pembunuhan Wallace, seorang pejabat Gedung Putih ditanya oleh Washington Post tentang identitas penyerang gubernur. Selama percakapan berikutnya malam itu, pejabat itu mengangkat kemungkinan hubungan Bremer dengan gerakan kiri dan kampanye Senator George McGovern, melalui literatur yang ditemukan di apartemennya.... Satu sumber Gedung Putih mengatakan bahwa ketika Presiden Nixon diberitahu tentang penembakan, dia menjadi sangat marah dan menyuarakan keprihatinan bahwa upaya terhadap hidup Gubernur Wallace mungkin dilakukan oleh seseorang yang memiliki hubungan dengan Partai Republik atau kampanye Nixon. dia pemilihan, yang kemudian kurang dari enam bulan lagi. "Presiden gelisah dan ingin latar belakang politik di Bremer," kata sumber itu.

Sherman Skolnick: Pada saat Wallace tertembak - bisa dikatakan di kursi roda dan bukan di kuburan - dia mencalonkan diri sebagai Presiden dan menarik sekitar 21 persen suara. Aguay Banar: Yang mencapai 26 juta suara populer. Sherman Skolnick: Tetapi karena negara bagian yang berbeda, dia bisa saja melemparkan semuanya ke Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, di mana itu akan menjadi kekacauan. Baru-baru ini kami mengadakan pertunjukan dengan juru bicara untuk beberapa kandidat pihak ketiga, termasuk untuk Perot. Dan saya mengajukan pertanyaan yang sama. (Perot memiliki 19 persen dalam pemilihan 1992.) Dan ketika saya mengajukan pertanyaan ini, mereka berkata, "Oh, jadi jika Perot memiliki 21 persen, seperti Wallace, mereka harus menembaknya?" Saya berkata, "Menurut pendapat saya, ya." Mengapa demikian? Maksud saya, sebagian dari kita percaya bahwa orang ultra-kaya percaya pada peluru, bukan pada surat suara. Apakah itu intinya? Aguay Banar: Intinya adalah uang, dolar yang mahakuasa: siapa yang paling bisa melayani kepentingan elit Atlantik Timur Laut dan elit Pasifik Barat Daya. Sherman Skolnick: Tepat sebelum Wallace ditembak, dia membuat pernyataan. Dia berkata, "Tidak ada perbedaan sepeser pun antara Partai Demokrat dan Partai Republik." (Dia adalah kandidat pihak ketiga, sangat populis.) Dia berkata, "Jika saya terpilih, salah satu hal pertama yang akan saya lakukan adalah mengenakan pajak pada Rockefeller Foundation." Ketika saya mendengar itu, saya berkata, "Wallace, Anda tidak punya cukup asuransi jiwa." Jadi Anda tidak bisa mendapatkan Wallace di video, tapi Anda masih punya gambar. Aguay Banar: Salah satu pertanyaan yang saya tanyakan secara tertulis kepada Gubernur adalah, "Apakah ada konspirasi di balik penembakan orang Anda?" Dia berkata, "Ya. Pasti konspirasi." Dan kemudian dia melihat ke atas, di halaman, ke tempat pertanyaan sebelumnya diajukan tentang Richard Nixon. Dan dengan puntung cerutunya dia menyodok nama Richard Nixon. Dia berkata, "Konspirasi! Konspirasi!" Dan dia menusukkan nama Nixon di halaman itu. Sherman Skolnick: Apa lagi yang membuat Anda percaya bahwa ada konspirasi? Aguay Banar: Tidak mungkin Richard Nixon akan terpilih kembali bersama Wallace dalam kampanye. Untuk kembali ke Oval Office, Anda harus menyingkirkan Wallace sehingga sebagian besar dari 26 juta suara itu -- yang berada di tengah, atau di kanan tengah - akan jatuh ke sisi Nixon. Sherman Skolnick: Apa pendapat Anda tentang fakta bahwa 6 minggu setelah mereka mengeluarkan Wallace dari kampanye dengan hampir membunuhnya, pembobolan Watergate terjadi? Aguay Banar: Pembobolan Watergate tidak lebih dari sebuah penemuan: misi yang dijalankan dengan buruk yang, pada dasarnya, memiliki kapak yang sangat tajam. Dan kapak itu diarahkan ke kepala Nixon. Pembobolan Watergate dirancang untuk ditemukan, dan untuk menyalahkan Nixon dan menjatuhkannya. Sherman Skolnick: E. Howard Hunt, Frank Sturgis, dan lainnya, terlibat dalam pembobolan di Watergate. Dan ada alasan untuk percaya bahwa Gedung Putih mengirim E. Howard Hunt ke apartemen Arthur Bremer di Milwaukee... Aguay Banar: ...atas perintah Charles Colson. Sherman Skolnick: Apartemen Bremer, setelah penembakan Wallace, tidak ditutup; barang-barang bisa saja ditanam di sana, seperti buku harian palsu. Dengan kata lain, buku harian Arthur Bremer muncul. Aguay Banar: Ya, tapi buku harian itu muncul di mobil. Tetapi ketika Bremer menembak Wallace, orang pertama yang masuk secara fisik ke apartemen itu berasal dari organisasi berita palsu yang dikenal sebagai "TIPS" - Layanan Pers Internasional Transcontinental. Sekarang mereka adalah makhluk Penjaga, yang merupakan sayap militan dari Gereja Scientology. Dan saya sedang berbicara tentang cabang di Los Angeles. Sherman Skolnick: Dinas Rahasia mengizinkan Bremer untuk menembus keamanan Nixon. Dengan kata lain, jika Anda membuat ruang hampa di mana calon pembunuh dapat menembus keamanan Secret Service, maka akan mudah untuk membunuh seseorang. Seperti yang mereka lakukan dengan Dr. King: tarik keamanannya. Aguay Banar: Bremer berada di kota Ottawa, Ibukota Kanada, ketika Nixon mengunjungi Pierre Trudeau, Perdana Menteri Kanada saat itu. Bremer dan Frank Sturgis menginap di Hotel Lord Elgin, di Ottawa. Mereka tinggal di bagian yang sama dari Hotel. Frank Sturgis adalah petugas kontrol Arthur Bremer di jalan. Dialah yang memberikan uang dan informasi kepada Bremer. Sturgis dan Bremer tinggal di bagian yang sama di Hotel Lord Elgin tempat detail Dinas Rahasia Richard Nixon menginap. Sherman Skolnick: Mungkinkah Bremer, pada satu titik, menargetkan Nixon untuk pembunuhan? Aguay Banar: Anda akan ingat bahwa mitologi yang sama diciptakan dalam pembunuhan John Kennedy: bahwa Oswald mengejar Nixon dan kemudian, karena keamanan sangat ketat, dia malah mengarahkan bidikan senjatanya ke Jack Kennedy. Hal yang sama di sini: mereka ingin Anda percaya bahwa Bremer mengejar Nixon dan karena keamanan sangat ketat, sekali lagi, "pembunuh tunggal" itu mengarahkan senjatanya ke orang lain - Wallace.

Beberapa tahun yang lalu, saya makan malam dengan kerabat sahabat saya dari Maryland, termasuk sepupunya dan suaminya. Melalui diskusi acak, saya menemukan bahwa suaminya bekerja di rumah sakit Negara tempat Bremer dirawat, dan bahwa Bremer telah dianggap waras selama bertahun-tahun dan telah diangkat ke posisi wali, di mana dia pada dasarnya adalah seorang petugas yang tidak dibayar. Dia mengatakan kepada saya bahwa Bremer hanya dikurung untuk tujuan politik. Karena Bremer tidak benar-benar membunuh siapa pun, ini tampak agak aneh. Pikiran itu muncul: apakah Bremer dikurung untuk menjauhkannya dari publik AS, atau untuk menjauhkan publik AS dari apa yang mungkin akan dikatakan Bremer? Aku masih bertanya-tanya.

1972 paling terkenal, bagaimanapun, untuk pembobolan Watergate, yang akhirnya menyebabkan pemecatan diri Nixon dari kantor. CIA memainkan peran yang berat dan menarik baik dalam pembobolan dan pengungkapan berikutnya yang menyebabkan pemecatan Nixon. Seperti yang telah ditulis oleh Probe dalam edisi-edisi sebelumnya, tampaknya para agen CIA sengaja membuat diri mereka terperangkap di hotel Watergate agar tidak meledakkan operasi lainnya. Kemudian, ketika Helms dicopot, mencopot Nixon dianggap sebagai imbalan. Mereka yang paling banyak berkontribusi dalam mengungkap aktivitas Nixon, seperti Alexander Butterfield, James McCord, dan Howard Hunt, semuanya memiliki hubungan dengan CIA. Jika bobot kumulatif bukti dapat dipercaya, tampaknya CIA menjalankan proses pemilihan negara pada tahun 1972, memutuskan kandidat mana yang akan bertahan atau gagal, dan berpartisipasi dalam tindakan sabotase. memiliki minat untuk mengendalikan nasib politik orang lain tahun itu, bahkan dengan cara drastis seperti pembunuhan? Dari apa yang kita ketahui tentang kehadiran mereka dalam pembunuhan John Kennedy, Robert Kennedy dan Martin Luther King, saran seperti itu hampir tidak bisa disebut mengada-ada. Oleh karena itu, kita harus mengajukan pertanyaan yang paling buruk: apakah ada bukti keterlibatan CIA dalam penembakan di Wallace? Menurut wartawan wanita Sybil Leek dan pengacara yang beralih menjadi reporter investigasi Bert Sugar, jawabannya adalah ya. Menurut Leek and Sugar, saat Bremer berada di hotel Lord Elgin di Ottawa, dia bertemu dengan seorang Dennis Cassini. Peneliti konspirasi terkenal Mae Brussell dan Alan Stang mengidentifikasi Cassini sebagai agen CIA. Cassini ditemukan tewas akibat overdosis heroin besar-besaran pada Juli 1972, hanya dua bulan setelah penembakan di Wallace. Cassini tidak memiliki riwayat penggunaan narkoba. Buku alamat Cassini berisi nomor telepon John J. McCleary. McCleary tinggal di Sacramento, California, dan dipekerjakan oleh V & T International, sebuah perusahaan ekspor-impor. McCleary tenggelam di lautan Pasifik pada musim gugur 1972. Ayahnya, secara menakjubkan, tenggelam pada waktu yang sama di Reno, Nevada. Jika CIA entah bagaimana terlibat, itu bisa menjelaskan minat langsung E. Howard Hunt dalam kasus ini, serta peran CBS dalam pembuatan film Bremer dalam tindakan penembakan. CBS dan CIA memiliki hubungan yang sangat dekat. Keterlibatan CIA mungkin lebih jauh dalam menjelaskan hubungan berikut juga. Saudara Bremer, William Bremer, ditangkap tak lama setelah penembakan di Wallace karena telah menipu lebih dari 2.000 matron Miami dari lebih dari $80.000 dengan mendaftarkan mereka untuk sesi penurunan berat badan yang tidak ada. Anehnya, pengacara Bremer tidak lain adalah Ellis Rubin, pria yang telah membela banyak aktivis anti-Castro dan yang membela orang-orang CIA yang berpartisipasi dalam pembobolan Watergate. Yang lebih aneh lagi adalah hubungan saudara tiri Bremer, Gail, dengan Pendeta Jerry. Owen (ne Oliver Brindley Owen), yang menonjol dalam kasus RFK. Pertunjukan Alkitab Owen dibatalkan dari KCOP di Los Angeles ketika bukti muncul yang menunjukkan bahwa dia memiliki hubungan yang mungkin jahat dengan Sirhan Sirhan sesaat sebelum pembunuhan Robert Kennedy. Setelah pembunuhan itu, Owen pergi ke polisi dengan cerita aneh tentang mengangkat Sirhan sebagai tumpangan. Tetapi saksi lain mengklaim Owen telah memberikan uang tunai kepada Sirhan, dan memiliki lebih banyak hubungan dengan Sirhan yang telah dia akui.

Artie Bremer digambarkan berulang kali sebagai "penyendiri". Terlepas dari deskripsi itu oleh beberapa kenalannya dan oleh majalah Life, Bremer terus-menerus berada di perusahaan beberapa individu sesaat sebelum upaya pembunuhan. Salah satu dari orang-orang ini telah diidentifikasi sebagai Tuan Dennis Cassini. Sebelum ada pejabat yang bisa menanyai Cassini setelah upaya pembunuhan di Wallace, dia ditemukan tewas karena overdosis heroin, tubuhnya terkunci di bagasi mobilnya. Pejabat Milwaukee melaporkan kejadian ini ke Biro Investigasi Federal. Tidak ada upaya yang dilakukan oleh otoritas Federal, kemudian di bawah arahan L. Patrick Gray, untuk menyelidiki masalah ini lebih lanjut. Bremer juga terlihat bersama seorang pria yang lebih tua dan bertubuh kekar di ruang tunggu Chesapeake dan Ohio Ferry di Ludington, Michigan. Tuan Roger Gordon, mantan anggota Organisasi Tentara Rahasia (SAO), sebuah badan intelijen pemerintah, mengidentifikasi kontak feri Bremer sebagai Tuan Anthony Ulasewicz, seorang agen Gedung Putih yang akan menjadi terkenal dalam audiensi Watergate. Gordon telah meninggalkan negara ini. Telah dilaporkan bahwa Charles W. Colson memerintahkan E. Howard Hunt (keduanya juga terkenal di Watergate) untuk masuk ke apartemen Bremer dalam waktu satu jam setelah penembakan, dan menanam surat kabar pesta Black Panther dan literatur Angela Davis di sana. Seorang karyawan layanan berita kecil melakukan tugas Colson.

Pada tahun 1972 Grup Kontrol Daya dihadapkan pada serangkaian masalah lain. Sekali lagi tujuannya adalah untuk memastikan pemilihan Nixon dengan segala cara dan untuk melanjutkan penyamaran. Nixon mungkin membuatnya sendiri. Kita tidak akan pernah tahu karena Grup menjamin pemilihannya dengan menghilangkan dua kandidat kuat dan sepenuhnya membanjiri kandidat lainnya dengan citra kiri yang tercemar dan kasus psikiatris untuk calon wakil presiden. Kesan yang Nixon miliki di awal tahun 1972 adalah bahwa dia memiliki peluang bagus untuk kalah. Dia membayangkan musuh di mana-mana dan pers yang dia yakini keluar untuk menangkapnya.

Grup Kontrol Daya juga menyadari hal ini. Mereka mulai menyusun strategi yang akan mendorong orang-orang gila dalam pemerintahan Nixon seperti E. Howard Hunt, G. Gordon Liddy dan Donald Segretti untuk melenyapkan oposisi yang serius. Kampanye trik kotor bekerja dengan sempurna melawan kandidat Demokrat awal terkuat, Edmund Muskie. Dia menarik diri sambil menangis, kemudian mengetahui bahwa dia telah disabotase oleh Nixon, Liddy, dan teman-temannya. George Wallace adalah masalah lain. Pada saat dia ditembak, dia menarik 18% suara menurut jajak pendapat, dan sebagian besar di wilayah Nixon. Negara bagian konservatif seperti Indiana akan memilih Wallace. Dia memakan kekuatan selatan Nixon. Pada bulan April jajak pendapat menunjukkan McGovern menarik 41%, Nixon 41% dan Wallace 18%. Itu akan terlalu dekat untuk kenyamanan, dan mungkin dilemparkan ke dalam DPR - dalam hal ini Nixon pasti akan kalah. Ada pilihan yang tersedia untuk melenyapkan George McGovern, tetapi kemudian Demokrat mungkin akan datang dengan Hubert Humphrey atau orang lain yang bahkan lebih berbahaya daripada McGovern. Peluang terbaik Nixon adalah pertarungan langsung dengan McGovern. Wallace harus pergi. Setelah kelompok membuat keputusan itu, tim Liddy tampaknya menjadi kelompok yang jelas untuk melaksanakannya. Tapi bagaimana itu bisa dilakukan saat ini dan masih membodohi orang-orang? Patsy lain kali ini? Oke, tapi bagaimana kalau dia benar-benar membunuh Gubernur? Jawabannya adalah pekerjaan pemrograman yang lebih dalam daripada yang dilakukan pada Sirhan. Kali ini mereka memilih seorang pria dengan IQ lebih rendah. tingkat yang bisa dihipnotis untuk benar-benar menembak seseorang, menyadarinya kemudian, dan tidak tahu bahwa dia telah diprogram. Dia harus sedikit aneh, tidak seperti Oswald, Ruby atau Ray.

Arthur Bremer terpilih. Kontak pertama dilakukan oleh orang-orang yang mengenal Bremer dan Segretti di Milwaukee. Mereka adalah anggota organisasi kiri yang ditanam di sana sebagai provokator oleh pasukan intelijen di dalam Power Control Group. Salah satunya adalah pria bernama Dennis Cassini.

Mantan Gubernur Alabama George C. Wallace, populis berapi-api dan satu kali segregasionis yang mengajukan dua tawaran serius untuk kepresidenan Amerika sebelum ditebas oleh calon peluru pembunuh, meninggal hari Minggu. Dia berusia 79 tahun.

Wallace meninggal di Rumah Sakit Jackson di Montgomery setelah menderita syok septik dari apa yang oleh pejabat rumah sakit digambarkan sebagai infeksi darah bakteri yang "luar biasa". Dia dirawat di rumah sakit Kamis pagi dengan kesulitan bernapas dan tekanan darah tinggi.

Mantan gubernur empat periode itu memiliki serangkaian penyakit medis sejak kakinya lumpuh dalam upaya pembunuhan pada tahun 1972. Dia juga menderita penyakit Parkinson. Wallace dirawat di rumah sakit sebentar pada bulan Juni dan lagi pada bulan Juli, keduanya karena gangguan pernapasan.

Lahir pada tahun 1919 di Clio, sebuah kota kecil di "negara rumput kawat" di tenggara Alabama, Wallace membuat jejaknya di awal politik negara bagian Demokrat, menjadi hakim pada usia 33 tahun dan mengajukan tawaran untuk gubernur pada usia 39 tahun.

Dia kalah dalam pemilihan gubernur tahun 1958 itu dari kandidat yang didukung oleh Ku Klux Klan, yang pandangannya ada di sebelah kanannya tentang masalah ras.

Empat tahun kemudian, berjalan pada platform perlawanan maksimum terhadap upaya federal untuk mengakhiri segregasi di Alabama, Wallace memenangkan jabatan gubernur. Dia menarik perhatian nasional pada tahun 1963 ketika dia menghadapi otoritas federal di Universitas Alabama di Montgomery ketika mereka mencoba untuk mendaftarkan dua mahasiswa kulit hitam. Apa yang disebutnya "berdiri di pintu gedung sekolah" membuatnya menjadi kekuatan politik regional.

Pada tahun 1968, Wallace mengajukan tawaran pihak ketiga untuk kursi kepresidenan, mengumpulkan lebih dari 13 persen suara dan membawa lima negara bagian Selatan. Pembelotan Demokrat selatan membantu menenggelamkan calon partai, Hubert Humphrey, dan memungkinkan pemilihan Richard Nixon.

Pada tahun 1972, Wallace kembali mencari nominasi Demokrat. Dia bergerak melampaui basisnya di Selatan dan membuat terobosan di negara-negara industri utara, memenangkan pemilihan pendahuluan Michigan. Tapi pencariannya berakhir ketika dia ditembak dan lumpuh selama kampanye berhenti di Maryland.

Wallace, yang telah terpilih kembali sebagai gubernur pada tahun 1970, terus menjalankan negara bagiannya dari kursi roda sampai dia meninggalkan kantor pada tahun 1978. Dia terpilih untuk masa jabatan lain sebagai gubernur pada tahun 1982, memenangkan dukungan di antara pemilih kulit hitam setelah meninggalkan pandangan segregasi sebelumnya.


George C. Wallace

George Corley Wallace (1919–1998) made himself a national symbol of racism in the 1960s. During his five-year tenure as an Alabama judge starting in 1953, he established a reputation as an opponent of all civil rights legislation.

Born on August 25, 1919, the son of a cotton farmer in rural Clio, Alabama, George Corley Wallace spent most of his life as an "underdog," someone who was unlikely to succeed. However, he worked hard from an early age to help earn money for his family and to eventually pay his way through college. His first taste of politics came when he was fifteen he took a part-time position as a page in the Alabama Senate. In college, he launched a campaign to appeal to independent and out-of-state students to beat the favored, fraternity-backed candidates in the race for presidency of his freshman class. After college he joined the Air Force in 1942 and flew several missions during World War II (1939–45).

After his military discharge, Wallace became assistant to the attorney general of Alabama in 1946. The next year he launched his political career, winning a seat in the state legislature. Throughout the 1950s Wallace had a reputation as a racially tolerant liberal. When he first ran for governor in 1958, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People endorsed his candidacy. After losing the Alabama governorship to a strident racist, though, Wallace revised his moderate political agenda to a platform that promised to defy federal pressure for racial integration. With his new strong position, Wallace won the governor's race in 1962, backed by the Ku Klux Klan, a militant white supremacist group.

His inaugural speech captured the anger of those in southern states who felt that the federal government had overstepped its authority by passing federal desegregation laws. While Wallace's stance on segregation brought him into the national limelight, he committed himself as governor to fight for states' right to determine their own laws. Wallace believed that the federal government should be very limited in its authority to regulate laws in individual states. He worked hard to curb the federal government's attempts to pass laws that he believed should be decided by the residents of each state.


George Wallace on segregation, 1964

In 1958, George Wallace ran against John Patterson in his first gubernatorial race. In that Alabama election, Wallace refused to make race an issue, and he declined the endorsement of the Ku Klux Klan. This move won Wallace the support of the NAACP. Patterson, on the other hand, embraced Klan support, and he trounced Wallace in the election. In 1962 Wallace, having realized the power of race as a political tool, ran for governor again—this time as a proponent of segregation. He won by a landslide.

In 1964, Wallace decided to make a run for the presidency as a Democratic candidate. The first Democratic primary was held in Wisconsin. Local politicians treated Wallace’s candidacy as a joke, but Wallace shocked his critics when he received 266,000 votes—one-third of the 780,000 votes cast. On April 8, one day after the Wisconsin primary, Michigan resident Ms. Martin wrote to Wallace asking him for literature on segregation.

The sentiments expressed in Wallace’s reply stand in stark contrast to the reality of race relations in Alabama during his time as governor. Between the time of Wallace’s inauguration and his correspondence with Martin, Alabama had seen the bombings in Birmingham as well as Wallace’s face-off with federal forces over the integration of the University of Alabama.

Despite growing conflict over race and civil rights, Wallace wrote Martin that "we have never had a problem in the South except in a few very isolated instances and these have been the result of outside agitators." Wallace asserted that "I personally have done more for the Negroes of the State of Alabama than any other individual," citing job creation and the salaries of black teachers in Alabama. He rationalized segregation as "best for both races," writing that "they each prefer their own pattern of society, their own churches and their own schools." Wallace assured Martin that Alabamans were satisfied with society as it was and that the only "major friction" was created by "outside agitators." Increasing racial violence and the Civil Rights Movement, however, pointed toward a changing equilibrium in race relations in Alabama.

Transkrip lengkap tersedia.

Excerpt

White and colored have lived together in the South for generations in peace and equanimity. They each prefer their own pattern of society, their own churches and their own schools—which history and experience have proven are best for best for both races. (As stated before, outside agitators have created any major friction occurring between the races.) This is true and applies to other areas as well. People who move to the south from sections where there is not a large negro population soon realize and are most outspoken in favor of our customs once they learn for themselves that our design for living is the best for all concerned.


Electoral history of George Wallace

Electoral history of George Wallace, 48th Governor of Alabama (1963–1967, 1971–1979, 1983–1987), 1968 American Independent Party Presidential nominee and candidate for 1964, 1972 and 1976 Democratic Party presidential nomination

Alabama House of Representatives, 1946, Barbour County, Second Representative [1]
Berpesta Calon Suara %
Demokratis George Wallace 1,526 100%
Governor of Alabama, 1958, Democratic Primary [2]
Berpesta Calon Suara %
Demokratis John Malcolm Patterson 196,859 31.8%
Demokratis George Wallace 162,435 26.3%
Demokratis Jimmy Faulkner 91,512 14.8%
Demokratis A.W. Todd 59,240 9.6%
Demokratis Laurie C. Battle 38,955 6.3%
Demokratis George Hawkins 24,332 3.9%
Tidak ada Others 45,349
Governor of Alabama, 1958, Democratic Primary Runoff [3]
Berpesta Calon Suara %
Demokratis John Malcolm Patterson 315,353 55.7%
Demokratis George Wallace 250,451 44.3%
Governor of Alabama, 1962, Democratic Primary [4]
Berpesta Calon Suara %
Demokratis George Wallace 207,062 32.5%
Demokratis Ryan DeGraffenried Sr. 160,704 25.2%
Demokratis Jim Folsom 159,640 25.1%
Demokratis MacDonald Gallion 80,374 12.6%
Demokratis Bull Connor 23,019 3.6%
Demokratis J. Bruce Henderson 3,666 0.6%
Demokratis Wayne Jennings 1,946 0.31
Demokratis Albert Boutwell 862 0.1
Governor of Alabama, 1962, Democratic Primary Runoff [4]
Berpesta Calon Suara %
Demokratis George Wallace 340,730 55.9%
Demokratis Ryan DeGraffenried Sr. 269,122 44.1%
Governor of Alabama, 1962 [5]
Berpesta Calon Suara %
Demokratis George Wallace 303,987 96.27%
Mandiri Frank P. Walls 11,789 3.7%
    – 1,693,813 (27.26%) (inc.) – 1,106,999 (17.82%) – 798,431 (12.85%)
  • George Wallace – 672,984 (10.83%) – 522,405 (8.41%) – 493,619 (7.94%) – 376,023 (6.05%) – 267,106 (4.30%) – 131,432 (2.12%)
  • Unpledged delegates – 81,614 (1.31%) – 36,258 (0.58%)
    – 2,914,933 (38.73%) – 2,305,148 (30.63%) – 549,140 (7.30%) (inc.) – 383,590 (5.10%) – 380,286 (5.05%) – 238,700 (3.17%) – 236,242 (3.14%) – 166,463 (2.21%)
  • Unpledged delegates – 161,143 (2.14%) – 128,899 (1.71%)
  • George Wallace – 34,489 (0.46%)
    – 1,760 (67.43%) – 601 (23.03%) – 147 (5.63%) – 68 (2.61%) – 18 (0.69%) – 13 (0.50%) – 1 (0.04%) – 1 (0.04%)
  • George Wallace – 1 (0.04%)
    – 4,121,372 (25.77%) – 4,053,451 (25.34%)
  • George Wallace – 3,755,424 (23.48%) – 1,840,217 (11.51%) – 553,990 (3.46%) – 505,198 (3.16%) – 430,703 (2.69%) – 331,415 (2.07%) – 196,406 (1.23%) – 79,446 (0.50%) – 37,401 (0.23%) – 21,217 (0.13%)
  • Unpledged delegates – 19,533 (0.12%) – 16,693 (0.10%) – 11,798 (0.07%) – 8,286 (0.05%)
    – 1,729 (57.37%) – 525 (17.42%)
  • George Wallace – 382 (12.67%) – 152 (5.04%) – 78 (2.59%) – 67 (2.22%) – 34 (1.13%) – 25 (0.83%) – 13 (0.43%) – 5 (0.17%) – 2 (0.07%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%)
    – 1,742 (59.07%) – 405 (13.73%) – 226 (7.66%) – 108 (3.66%) – 74 (2.51%) – 62 (2.10%) – 57 (1.93%) – 30 (1.02%) – 20 (0.68%) – 19 (0.64%) – 18 (0.61%) – 15 (0.51%) – 14 (0.48%) – 11 (0.37%) – 10 (0.34%) – 9 (0.31%) – 8 (0.27%) – 8 (0.27%) – 5 (0.17%) – 5 (0.17%) – 5 (0.17%) – 5 (0.17%) – 4 (0.14%) – 4 (0.14%) – 4 (0.14%) – 4 (0.14%) – 4 (0.14%) – 3 (0.10%) – 3 (0.10%) – 3 (0.10%) – 3 (0.10%) – 3 (0.10%) – 2 (0.07%) – 2 (0.07%) – 2 (0.07%) – 2 (0.07%) – 2 (0.07%) – 2 (0.07%) – 2 (0.07%) – 2 (0.07%) – 2 (0.07%) – 2 (0.07%) – 2 (0.07%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%)
  • Michael Griffin – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%) – 1 (0.03%)
  • George Wallace – 1 (0.03%)

American Independent Party National Convention, 1972 (Presidential tally): [15]


George C. Wallace (1963-67, 1971-79, 1983-87)

George C. Wallace Between 1963 and 1987, George Wallace (1919-1998) held a virtual monopoly on the governor's office in Alabama, a position from which he promoted low-grade industrial development, low taxes, and trade schools as the keys to the state's future. He was elected governor for an unprecedented four terms in 1962, 1970, 1974, and 1982, and was de facto governor during the administration of his first wife, Lurleen Burns Wallace, from 1967 to 1968. Wallace also launched four unsuccessful bids for the presidency on platforms that opposed the expansion of federal power and appealed to white populist sentiments. During each election cycle, he modified his racial views to suit the times. Despite his support for road construction, education, and industrial development, Wallace is widely known for his resistance to civil rights, limited economic vision, failure to reform the tax code, and total focus on campaigning, at the expense of running the state. George Wallace and Boxing Partner Born in the railroad town of Clio on August 25, 1919, to George C. Wallace and Mozelle Smith, George Corley Wallace Jr. grew up in Barbour County, where his father and his grandfather participated in local politics at the courthouse in Clayton. He was the eldest of two brothers and a sister. His brother Jack Wilfred Wallace became a circuit court judge and would administer the oath of office to George for all four of his inaugurations as governor. He attended and graduated from Barbour County High School in 1937. Having watched politicians "work" the crowds at social events, young George embarked on his own political career when he won a position as a page in the state Senate in 1935 and spent that summer in Montgomery meeting lawmakers. Too small for football, Wallace boxed, winning the 1936 and 1937 Alabama Golden Gloves championships. Between 1937 and 1942, he attended the University of Alabama, in Tuscaloosa, Tuscaloosa County, where he met several fellow students destined to cross his political path, including future federal judge Frank M. Johnson Jr. and future staff members Glen Curlee and Bill Jones. Wallace earned his law degree in 1942 and volunteered for the army, as the United States was involved in World War II. Before his induction, he assisted the gubernatorial campaign of Chauncey Sparks, state representative of Barbour County, who guaranteed the young man a job after the war. Also that summer, Wallace courted Lurleen Burns, a 16-year-old sales clerk, whom he married on May 21, 1943. Wallace Campaign Speech, 1958 Folsom's mild response to the U.S. Supreme Court's 1954 Brown v. Dewan Pendidikan decision, which repudiated the separate but equal doctrine, led Wallace to disagree with the governor over the issue of segregation and decide to seek the office himself in 1958. Thirteen candidates ran in the May 1958 Democratic primary, with Attorney General John Patterson being the most formidable. After denouncing Patterson's ties to the Ku Klux Klan, Wallace received the unwanted endorsement of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), an outcome that contributed to his sound defeat in the primary and led him to appeal to segregationist sentiments in Alabama. Wallace Protestors, ca. 1964 Against the backdrop of civil rights protests and federal court orders and after the birth of his fourth child, Janie Lee, Wallace organized his 1962 gubernatorial campaign around increasingly ugly rhetoric. He denounced Judge Johnson and threatened to "stand in the schoolhouse door" to defy federal court orders on desegregation. Wallace won the primary with the largest number of votes ever received by a gubernatorial candidate to that time and then won the general election. Wallace Family in the Mid-1960s During his first term (1963-1967), Wallace attracted nearly $350 million in expanded and new industries to Alabama, which added 19,000 low-wage jobs in 1963 alone. Teachers received a substantial raise, and the state provided free textbooks to high schools, for which Wallace was praised by many members of the Alabama Education Association (AEA). Also, he sold $116 million in state bonds for Alabama's colleges and universities and rarely meddled in the administrative matters of higher education. Yet Wallace never identified a stable funding source for public education. He found new money by increasing the state's sales tax from .03 to .04, raising the state's bonded indebtedness, and depending on increased revenues from expansion of the state's industrial base. Stand in the Schoolhouse Door The Wallace administration intervened in civil rights conflicts and heightened racial tensions that led to violence and death. The governor turned the Alabama State Patrol into the State Troopers, outfitting the white-only force in uniforms with Confederate flag patches, steel helmets, and carbines. Under the command of Col. Al Lingo, state troopers intervened in community crises such as the Birmingham demonstrations of 1963. Wallace also created the unconstitutional Sovereignty Commission to spy on Alabamians who advocated race reforms. When the federal courts ordered the desegregation of the University of Alabama in June 1963, he concocted an elaborate charade that appeared to fulfill his campaign promise to stand in the schoolhouse door to block African American students from entering. After Pres. John F. Kennedy federalized the state troopers to force the registration of two black students, Wallace stepped aside. Yet this hollow act won him support across America. To hamper federal court orders desegregating Alabama's public schools, Wallace sent Lingo and the state troopers to harass students in Mobile and Tuskegee. The hostile racial climate encouraged Ku Klux Klansmen to bomb the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church, killing four black girls, after which the Wallace administration resisted efforts to bring the perpetrators to justice. During the voting rights campaign in March 1965, Wallace ordered Lingo's troopers to assist Dallas County Sheriff Jim Clark, whose forces responded to a civil rights demonstration with brutality at the foot of the Edmund Pettus Bridge on "Bloody Sunday." Wallace's advocacy of violence prompted passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, which fundamentally altered Alabama's electorate by adding thousands of black voters to the rolls. So rather than maintain segregation, his defiance hastened its demise. Wallace Campaign Button Wallace needed to remain in the governor's office to support his campaign. After his attempt to amend the 1901 Constitution to allow him to serve a second consecutive term failed to pass the legislature, Wallace decided to enter Lurleen as a candidate. Despite a prior diagnosis of cancer and the removal of a malignant tumor, Lurleen agreed to run for governor in 1966. Telling folks to "stand up for Alabama," she made a few prepared remarks at campaign stops before giving way to her husband. Winning in a landslide, Lurleen Wallace made George her "chief advisor" and set him up in an office across from hers in the capitol. She served just over a year before cancer claimed her life on May 7, 1968. All the while, Wallace campaigned for president as an independent, organizing his new campaign around a platform that promoted "law and order." Mocking antiwar demonstrators and ridiculed people who "dropped out" of the American economic system, Wallace's flag-waving, pro-middle-class rhetoric endeared him to most working-class and middle-class people who saw the youth rebellions of the 1960s as tearing the nation apart. The Citizens Council, John Birch Society, and other conservative groups joined blue-collar whites in financing the American Independent Party. Despite Democrat Hubert Humphrey's appeal to newly registered black voters and Republican Richard Nixon's "southern strategy" to attract white suburbanites, polls found Wallace with 20 to 25 percent of the national vote in September 1968, a strong enough showing to suggest his candidacy might throw the election into the House of Representatives if there was no clear winner in the Electoral College. George and Cornelia Wallace Wallace eyed the 1970 governor's race as an avenue to the presidency in 1972. After pledging to support Gov. Albert Brewer, he announced his own candidacy. Brewer, a racial moderate favored by progressives, positioned himself as Alabama's "full-time governor." He polled a plurality in the primary, forcing a runoff with Wallace. Running the dirtiest gubernatorial campaign in Alabama's history, Wallace implied that Brewer was homosexual and his wife was an alcoholic, while his partisans circulated overtly racist campaign literature. Brewer, who ran a clean campaign, lost to Wallace by 34,000 votes. In 1971, Wallace married Cornelia Ellis Snively, niece of Big Jim Folsom whom he first met in 1947, when she was living in the governor's mansion. George Wallace on Stage with Richard Nixon As the 1972 presidential election approached, Pres. Richard Nixon began encouraging the Justice Department to prosecute Wallace's brother Gerald on charges that he rigged state bidding procedures, solicited and received illegal campaign contributions, and accepted kickbacks. The Internal Revenue Service expanded the investigation to include Wallace advisor Seymore Trammell. After George announced that he might seek the Democratic Party nomination in 1972, rather than run on the American Independent Party ticket, the Justice Department dropped its investigation of the Wallaces, but Trammell was convicted and jailed. In the Democratic primary, Wallace wreaked more havoc than he had as an independent in 1968. Candidates of both parties echoed Wallace's anti-government rhetoric, and both parties became more conservative, a shift that would set their agendas for decades. George Wallace and Gerald Ford In his third term, from 1975-79, Wallace continued to ignore Alabama's chronic problem of underfunding government programs. Although various commissions recommended raising property taxes, Wallace resisted this solution and adopted stop-gap measures that postponed the problems. Federal court rulings also plagued the Wallace administration. In 1971, Judge Johnson ordered the state to provide effective treatment to the patients in Alabama's mental health facilities. In 1976, he declared that Alabama's prison system constituted "cruel and unusual punishment" and ordered expensive remedial measures. Recalling earlier campaigns, Wallace denounced his old antagonist. Wallace Official Portrait, 1983 In 1982, black voters helped reelect Wallace, giving him one-third of their votes in the first primary. He then increased this constituency to defeat then-Lt. Gov. George McMillan by one percentage point in the Democratic runoff. In the general election, Wallace carried 90 percent of the state's black electorate, linking it with rural white voters and members of the Alabama Education Association to form a coalition that defeated his opponent, Republican Emory Folmar, mayor of Montgomery. Despite his declining health, the term would prove to be Wallace's most productive. His administration negotiated an agreement among trial lawyers, unions, and business leaders over job-related injuries and workplace liability. The federal government recognized state improvements in mental hospitals and prisons. The creation of the Alabama Trust Fund, which made offshore leases on state oil and natural gas a funding source for education and other social spending, was perhaps his greatest legislative success. He continued to appeal to domestic and foreign corporations to relocate their businesses to Alabama to generate new manufacturing jobs. He appointed African Americans to advisory panels and increased funding for education. Yet Wallace's attempt to revise Alabama's tax structure failed.

Given his continuous campaigning, Wallace may have governed the least of any Alabama chief executive, but he was certainly the most significant of all. It was not because of any positive outcome, for he left the state with a manufacturing sector committed to low-skill, low-wage jobs, special interests controlling the legislature, and a tax code that favored large landholders and corporations. He entered office in an age of transition and, by defending segregation, forestalled the changes necessary to improve Alabama's future. After fomenting a violent atmosphere, he became the victim of violence. Wallace recanted and sought the forgiveness of those he had wronged. Yet his reactionary message altered mainstream politics as both national parties adopted his antigovernment rhetoric. Certainly in Alabama, images of the racist Wallace continue to haunt the state.

Note: This entry was adapted with permission from Alabama Governors: A Political History of the State, edited by Samuel L. Webb and Margaret Armbrester (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2001).


GEORGE WALLACE AND HISTORY

When George Wallace was sworn in for his first term as governor of Alabama in 1962, he defiantly stated his fighting creed: "Segregation now! Segregation tomorrow! Segregation forever!" Twenty years later, though, he was elected to his fourth term with fully one-third of the black vote. The electoral durability of Wallace, who died Sunday at age 79, was a testament to his vast adaptability and to the willingness of Americans to give anyone a second chance.

His life could have been taken from a novel: A farm boy who worked his way through law school by boxing professionally, he rose to dominate his state's political scene for a quarter of a century--first as a combative symbol of Deep South resistance to the civil rights revolution and then as the wheelchair-bound advocate of racial reconciliation.

In between, Wallace ran for president in 1968 as the nominee of the American Independent Party, getting 13 percent of the vote and 46 electoral votes. Then, running in the Democratic presidential primaries in 1972, he was shot by a would-be assassin and left paralyzed from the waist down.

Despite his incendiary rhetoric, Wallace's commitment to Jim Crow was opportunistic, not principled. In his first race for governor, in 1958, he won the endorsement of the NAACP--and, not by coincidence, lost the election. Wallace complained that his opponent had "out-segged" him, and vowed never to let it happen again. He made good on that ominous pledge when he became governor--decrying the "tyranny" of federal efforts to enforce racial equality, closing public schools to prevent their integration and personally blocking the way of two black students when they tried to register at the all-white University of Alabama.

Although Wallace won many elections, he lost all these battles. Blacks gained the rights they had long been denied, and he was forced to adapt his approach to the political realities of a state where blacks constitute 25 percent of the population. When he returned to politics in 1982 after a four-year respite, candidate Wallace had to renounce his past stands on race--and upon being elected, appointed two blacks to his cabinet.

In his last years, he worried about his place in history. He had good reason. The Wallace of the 1980s and 1990s didn't inspire the fear and loathing of his earlier incarnation, but if future generations remember him, it will be mostly for the great harm he did on behalf of a deservedly lost cause.


George Wallace shot 45 years ago today: Where are they now? Arthur Bremer, Cornelia Wallace, more

On May 15, 1972, a 21-year-old busboy named Arthur Bremer fired on presidential candidate - and Alabama governor - George Wallace, paralyzing him for life. Here's a look at the people impacted by that day and what happened in the months and years after Wallace's shooting.

George Wallace was in his second term as Alabama’s governor when he announced his third run for the presidency ahead of the 1972 Democratic primaries. His presidential aspirations came to an abrupt halt on May 15, 1972 when Arthur Bremer shot him while during a campaign stop at a Maryland shopping center. Wallace survived but was paralyzed from the waist down for the rest of his life. The day after the assassination attempt, Wallace won the Michigan and Maryland primaries but he was unable to campaign and keep the momentum and ended his bid in July.

Paul Beaudry | [email protected]

Wallace went on to serve two more terms as Alabama's governor and made one more unsuccessful run for the White House. In his later years, Wallace apologized for his pro-segregation stances in the past and reached out to the black community, who helped him win his final term as governor in 1982. The assassination attempt left Wallace suffering a lifetime of pain and medical complications brought on by his paralysis, complicated by Parkinson's disease he suffered later in life. Wallace died in 1998. He was 79. Wallace's bloodstained clothes are in the possession of the Alabama Department of Archives and History.

Arthur Bremer was a 21-year-old busboy when he shot George Wallace, paralyzing the Alabama governor from the waist down. Bremer had originally planned to shoot President Richard Nixon, in a bid to capture world attention. He abandoned that idea when he realized the President was too well protected and turned his attention instead to the campaigning Wallace. He traveled to Maryland to a Wallace campaign rally and, just after the candidate had finished speaking and made his way through the crowd, Bremer opened fire with his .38 revolver, striking Wallace in the abdomen. Three other people were shot. Bremer was tackled by onlookers at the scene.

Associated Press file photo

Less than three months after Wallace was shot, Bremer went on trial. His defense team argued he was schizophrenic and legally insane the prosecution disagreed, saying he had plotted to attack Wallace. Bremer was convicted on Aug. 4, 1972 and sentenced to 63 years in prison. A year later his diary was published, detailing his actions and thoughts on the months leading up to the assassination attempt.

Leada Gore | [email protected]

Bremer served 35 years in prison before being released in 2007 at the age of 57. Terms of his release include electronic monitoring and staying away from elected officials and candidates. He’s also required to undergo mental health evaluations. Bremer lives in Cumberland, Maryland and has a steady job, law enforcement officials said. Bremer’s probation will end in 2025 – he will be 75 years old.

Paul Beaudry | [email protected]

Cornelia Wallace was George Wallace's second wife and from an Alabama political family, with her uncle James "Big Jim" Folsom serving two terms as Alabama's governor. She married George Wallace in January 1971, shortly before he was inaugurated for the second of his four nonconsecutive terms as governor. Cornelia Wallace was with her husband on the day of Bremer's assassination attempt, throwing her body over her wounded husband. She stayed by his side during his recovery and attempts to continue his campaign but the couple's relationship grew strained and turned openly hostile when Cornelia was discovered tapping her husband's bedroom phone in an attempt to catch him talking to other women. The couple divorced 1978. Cornelia entered the Alabama Democratic primary for governor in 1978 but finished last among 13 candidates. She later retired to Florida to spend more time with her children. Cornelia died on Jan. 8, 2009 at age 69.

(Contributed photo/Nixontapes.org)

Former Vice President Richard Nixon, a Republican, had defeated George Wallace, who ran with the American Independent Party, in the 1968 presidential election and the two faced off again in 1972, accompanied this time by Democratic nominee George McGovern. In 1972, Wallace ran as a Democrat. Nixon had previously been the target of Arthur Bremer before he switched his attention to Wallace and after the assassination attempt. Nixon ordered the FBI to lead the investigation with Secret Service assistance.

On the day of the assassination attempt, Nixon reached out to Cornelia Wallace, saying "you tell him to keep his spirit, and tell him that all of us people in politics have got to expect some dangers, and that Mrs. Nixon and I both send our very best wishes, and you can be sure that we'll remember him in our thoughts and our prayers."

Nixon defeated Democrat George McGovern in the 1972 election in one of the largest election landslides in American history. Within the year, however, the Nixon was accused of a host of offenses ranging from bugging the offices of opponents to a break-in at the Watergate hotel. Facing impeachment, Nixon resigned on August 9, 1974 and returned to his home in California. He was later pardoned by President Gerald Ford. Nixon died in April 1994 he was 81 years old.


George Wallace 1968 presidential run: 'Most influential loser' in political history

Fifty years ago, George Wallace - the Alabama governor whose segregationist policies shaped the state throughout the 60s and 70s - made a historic run for president. Here' a look back at one of Wallace's most interesting political campaigns:

Governor in 1962 Lurleen in 1966

A former State Representative, Wallace had lost the 1958 Alabama gubernatorial election before adopting his hard-line segregationist stance and winning the job in 1962. He made an ill-fated bid for the presidency in 1964 when he unsuccessfully took on President Lyndon Johnson. Term limits restricted him to one four-year term as Alabama's governor, so his wife, Lurleen, ran for and easily won the post in 1966. With his wife as governor, Wallace's thoughts turned to the White House.

Doctors had identified cancer in Lurleen Wallace as early as 1961, but had informed her husband and not her. Throughout her race for governor, the couple kept her worsening health a secret. George Wallace maintained his campaign schedule even as the cancer spread and Lurleen became extremely ill. Her last public appearance as governor was at a 1967 football game and campaign appearance for George Wallace's presidential bid. Wallace continued to make campaign appearances during the final weeks of her life until he canceled a Michigan stop, on her request, on May 5. Lurleen Wallace died May 7, 1968 at age 41.

Lyndon Johnson took office in 1963 following the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. Johnson won his own complete term in 1964 but, weighed down by controversy involving the Vietnam War, said he would not seek the office in 1968. Johnson's exit - along with the assassination of Robert F. Kennedy in June 1968 - set the stage for the presidential showdown between Republican Richard Nixon, Democrat Hubert Humphrey and Wallace, who ran under the American Independent banner.

American Independent Party

The American Independent Party, founded in 1967, was a far-right response to the growing unrest in both the Republican and Democratic parties. Early on, its main purpose was supporting Wallace and his segregationist views. Wallace had ran as a Democrat in 1964 and would again in 1972 but formed AIP as Democrats moved towards desegregation.


George Wallace

Born to Mary Lou and George Wallace Sr. on July 21, 1952, in Atlanta, Georgia, George Wallace grew up in a loving, religious family. He was educated at Lynwood Park Elementary and Lynwood Park High Schools. Since his early teenage years, George dreamed of becoming a comedian.

George's mother died when he was sixteen, prompting him to move to Ohio, where he found a job with Firestone Tire and Rubber. As part of the company's tuition reimbursement program, George enrolled in the University of Akron, where he studied transportation, marketing and advertising. Upon graduation, Wallace moved to New York City in pursuit of his childhood dream. At first, success in comedy proved elusive and Wallace worked as a salesman for an advertising agency to pay the bills.

Wallace's break came when one of his clients opened a comedy club. The club owner was amused by Wallace's natural humor and friendly demeanor and offered him the chance to perform stand-up. In 1977, Wallace walked on stage for the first time, wearing a preacher's robe and calling himself Reverend Dr. George Wallace. His routine was completely improvised, yet included the same imagery and delivery of the spiritual leaders that influenced him as a child. Wallace was a hit. He stayed in New York for several years perfecting his craft and living with friend and fellow comedian Jerry Seinfield.

In 1978, Wallace moved to the West Coast, where he quickly became recognized as a talented young comedian. After one of his performances, producers from the Redd Foxx Show asked him to write for the popular series. However, after only one year of writing, Wallace returned to the stage. He became a regular at the famous Comedy Store, which also featured such artists as Richard Pryor, Rodney Dangerfield, Roseanne Barr, Jay Leno and Robin Williams. Wallace also took his comedy show on the road, opening for George Benson, Diana Ross, Donna Summer and Smokey Robinson, among others.

Wallace, who was named the Best Male Standup Comedian during the 1995 American Comedy Awards, says that his routines are inspired by "everyday moments of life." His unique brand of social commentary proved popular with radio audiences as well. Wallace was a regular on the Tom Joyner Morning Show before joining the legendary Isaac Hayes on a popular radio program on WRKS, New York. He also starred in his own HBO special and appeared on many television shows, such as The Tonight Show, Oprah Winfrey dan Late Night with David Letterman. His motion picture credits include Batman Forever, A Rage in Harlem, Punchline, Things are Tough All Over, dan Postcards from the Edge.


The Legacy of George Wallace

Alabama's Governor George Wallace faces General Henry Graham in Tuscaloosa on June 12, 1963, at the University of Alabama. Despite an order of the federal court, Governor George Wallace appointed himself the temporary University registrar and stood in the doorway of the administration building to prevent the students from entering. -/AFP via Getty Images sembunyikan teks

Alabama's Governor George Wallace faces General Henry Graham in Tuscaloosa on June 12, 1963, at the University of Alabama. Despite an order of the federal court, Governor George Wallace appointed himself the temporary University registrar and stood in the doorway of the administration building to prevent the students from entering.

During his Alabama gubernatorial inauguration in 1963, George Wallace famously said: "Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, and segregation forever!"

That same year, Wallace tried to halt the integration of the University of Alabama in Tuscaloosa. And he tried to do it himself. Wallace famously stood in the doorway of an auditorium on the school's campus to block two black students, Vivian Malone and James Hood, from entering.

Despite this history, Wallace's name still appears on buildings across Alabama – including in Birmingham, at the University of Alabama's Bell-Wallace Gymnasium.

Some students say they're not okay with having a building still named for Wallace. What does that debate look like on campus?

And we also talked about Wallace's influence in shaping American populism, and how his political rhetoric and legacy reverberated across the entire country, not just the South.

With us to talk about his legacy are Shreya Pokhrel, a student organizer at the University of Alabama at Birmingham, Horace Huntley, the founding director of the Oral History Project at the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute and Dan Carter, author of "The Politics of Rage: George Wallace, The Origins of the New Conservatism, and the Transformation of American Politics."

This episode was produced by Kaity Kline and Haili Blassingame.


Tonton videonya: George Wallace Explains Why He Doesnt Like Morgan Freeman (Mungkin 2022).