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Lenin kembali ke Rusia dari pengasingan

Lenin kembali ke Rusia dari pengasingan


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Pada 16 April 1917, Vladimir Lenin, pemimpin Partai Bolshevik revolusioner, kembali ke Petrograd setelah satu dekade diasingkan untuk mengambil kendali Revolusi Rusia.

Lahir sebagai Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov pada tahun 1870, Lenin tertarik pada penyebab revolusioner setelah saudaranya dieksekusi pada tahun 1887 karena merencanakan untuk membunuh Tsar Alexander III. Dia belajar hukum dan mengambil praktik di Petrograd (sekarang St. Petersburg), di mana dia pindah ke lingkaran Marxis revolusioner. Pada tahun 1895, ia membantu mengorganisir kelompok-kelompok Marxis di ibu kota ke dalam “Persatuan untuk Perjuangan Pembebasan Kelas Pekerja”, yang berusaha untuk mendaftarkan pekerja ke gerakan Marxis. Pada bulan Desember 1895, Lenin dan para pemimpin Uni lainnya ditangkap. Lenin dipenjara selama satu tahun dan kemudian diasingkan ke Siberia selama tiga tahun.

Setelah pengasingannya berakhir pada tahun 1900, Lenin pergi ke Eropa Barat, di mana ia melanjutkan aktivitas revolusionernya. Selama waktu inilah ia mengadopsi nama samaran Lenin. Pada tahun 1902, ia menerbitkan sebuah pamflet berjudul Apa yang Harus Dilakukan?, yang berpendapat bahwa hanya partai disiplin revolusioner profesional yang dapat membawa sosialisme ke Rusia. Pada tahun 1903, ia bertemu dengan kaum Marxis Rusia lainnya di London dan mendirikan Partai Pekerja Sosial-Demokrat Rusia (RSDWP). Namun, sejak awal, ada perpecahan antara Lenin Bolshevik (Majoritarian), yang menganjurkan militerisme, dan Menshevik (Minoritarian), yang menganjurkan gerakan demokratis menuju sosialisme. Kedua kelompok ini semakin saling bertentangan dalam kerangka RSDWP, dan Lenin membuat perpecahan resmi pada konferensi Partai Bolshevik tahun 1912.

Setelah pecahnya Revolusi Rusia tahun 1905, Lenin kembali ke Rusia. Revolusi, yang sebagian besar terdiri dari pemogokan di seluruh kekaisaran Rusia, berakhir ketika Nicholas II menjanjikan reformasi, termasuk adopsi konstitusi Rusia dan pembentukan legislatif terpilih. Namun, begitu ketertiban dipulihkan, tsar membatalkan sebagian besar reformasi ini, dan pada tahun 1907 Lenin kembali dipaksa ke pengasingan.

Lenin menentang Perang Dunia I, yang dimulai pada tahun 1914, sebagai konflik imperialistik dan meminta tentara proletariat untuk mengarahkan senjata mereka pada para pemimpin kapitalis yang mengirim mereka ke parit-parit pembunuh. Bagi Rusia, Perang Dunia I adalah bencana yang belum pernah terjadi sebelumnya: korban Rusia lebih besar daripada yang diderita oleh negara mana pun dalam perang sebelumnya. Sementara itu, ekonomi sangat terganggu oleh upaya perang yang mahal, dan pada bulan Maret 1917, kerusuhan dan pemogokan pecah di Petrograd karena kelangkaan makanan. Pasukan tentara yang mengalami demoralisasi bergabung dengan para pemogok, dan pada 15 Maret 1917, Nicholas II dipaksa turun tahta, mengakhiri berabad-abad pemerintahan Tsar. Setelah Revolusi Februari (dikenal demikian karena Rusia menggunakan kalender Julian), kekuasaan dibagi antara pemerintah sementara yang tidak efektif, yang dipimpin oleh Menteri Perang Alexander Kerensky, dan soviet, atau “dewan”, dari tentara. dan komite pekerja.

Setelah pecahnya Revolusi Februari, otoritas Jerman mengizinkan Lenin dan para letnannya menyeberangi Jerman dalam perjalanan dari Swiss ke Swedia dengan kereta api tertutup. Berlin berharap, dengan benar, bahwa kembalinya kaum sosialis anti-perang ke Rusia akan melemahkan upaya perang Rusia, yang terus berlanjut di bawah pemerintahan sementara. Lenin menyerukan penggulingan pemerintahan sementara oleh soviet; dia kemudian dikutuk sebagai "agen Jerman" oleh para pemimpin pemerintah. Pada bulan Juli, ia terpaksa melarikan diri ke Finlandia, tetapi seruannya untuk “perdamaian, tanah, dan roti” mendapat dukungan rakyat yang meningkat, dan kaum Bolshevik memenangkan mayoritas di soviet Petrograd. Pada bulan Oktober, Lenin diam-diam kembali ke Petrograd, dan pada tanggal 7 November, Pengawal Merah pimpinan Bolshevik menggulingkan Pemerintahan Sementara dan memproklamirkan kekuasaan soviet.

Lenin menjadi diktator virtual negara Marxis pertama di dunia. Pemerintahannya berdamai dengan Jerman, menasionalisasi industri dan mendistribusikan tanah tetapi, mulai tahun 1918, harus berperang melawan pasukan tsar yang menghancurkan. Pada tahun 1920, para tsar dikalahkan, dan pada tahun 1922, Uni Republik Sosialis Soviet (USSR) didirikan. Setelah kematian Lenin pada awal 1924, tubuhnya dibalsem dan ditempatkan di sebuah mausoleum dekat Kremlin Moskow. Petrograd berganti nama menjadi Leningrad untuk menghormatinya. Setelah perjuangan suksesi, rekan revolusioner Joseph Stalin menggantikan Lenin sebagai pemimpin Uni Soviet.

BACA LEBIH BANYAK: Rusia: Garis Waktu


Lenin Kabur dari Rusia Lagi

Pada 12 Desember 1907, Lenin melarikan diri dari Rusia untuk kedua kalinya.

Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, lebih dikenal sebagai Lenin, mencapai pengaruhnya yang luar biasa di negara asalnya setelah lima belas tahun dan lebih jauh dari itu pada usia tiga puluhan dan empat puluhan. Di luar negeri, aman dari otoritas Tsar, dia menyusun ide dan strateginya yang akan membuatnya menguasai Rusia. Lahir pada tahun 1870 di kota provinsi Simbirsk yang tenang, ia berasal dari keluarga kaya dan terhormat dari campuran Yahudi dan Rusia, yang beragama Kristen dan anggota Gereja Ortodoks Rusia.

Ayahnya, yang meninggal ketika Vladimir muda masih remaja, adalah seorang pejabat pemerintah di dinas pendidikan. Pada tahun berikutnya, 1887, kakak tertua Vladimir, Alexander, digantung karena terlibat dalam rencana bom untuk membunuh Tsar Alexander III. Peristiwa inilah yang tampaknya telah menempatkan Vladimir pada karir revolusionernya dan jutaan buku sekolah Soviet kemudian akan menampilkan lukisan dirinya yang mengatakan 'Kami akan mengikuti jalan yang berbeda' saat dia dan ibunya berduka bersama atas kematian Alexander.

Vladimir pergi ke Universitas Kazan, di mana ia mengambil Marxisme sebagai jalan yang berbeda, membuat gangguan pada dirinya sendiri dalam protes mahasiswa dan dikeluarkan. Dia kemudian masuk ke Universitas St Petersburg, lulus di bidang hukum dan mulai praktik di daerah miskin. Pengalaman itu meninggalkan dia dengan kebencian seumur hidup untuk pengacara, tetapi dia terutama sibuk dalam kegiatan revolusioner melawan rezim Tsar dan pada tahun 1895 ditangkap, ditahan selama lebih dari satu tahun dan kemudian diasingkan selama tiga tahun ke Shushenskoe, sebuah desa di Siberia, di mana dia bergaul dengan kaum revolusioner lainnya dan menghabiskan sebagian besar waktunya berburu, berenang, dan berjalan-jalan di pedesaan. Pada tahun 1898 ia menikah dengan Nadezhda Krupskaya dan pada tahun 1900 dibebaskan dari pengasingan dan mulai melakukan perjalanan di Rusia dan seluruh Eropa. Menikmati kehidupan yang cukup nyaman dengan uang dari harta keluarga dan sumbangan dari para simpatisan, ia tinggal untuk jangka waktu yang berbeda-beda di Swiss, Jerman, Austria, dan Inggris.

Di London pada tahun 1903 Lenin memimpin faksi Bolshevik ('Mayoritas') melawan Menshevik ('Minoritas') dalam perpecahan yang akan menghancurkan Partai Buruh Sosial Demokrat Rusia. Dia memainkan peran kecil dalam revolusi gagal tahun 1905, yang dimulai di St Petersburg pada bulan Januari. Lenin tinggal di luar negeri, tidak kembali ke Rusia sampai November dan kemudian tetap di belakang, tetapi polisi mengejarnya dan dia dan Krupskaya harus bersembunyi. Mereka menghabiskan sebagian besar tahun 1906 dan 1907 bolak-balik antara Rusia dan Finlandia dan pada akhir tahun 1907 Lenin melarikan diri dari Rusia untuk kedua kalinya, ke Stockholm, Berlin dan Jenewa.

Lenin dan Krupskaya tinggal di Swiss ketika revolusi 1917 di Rusia dan penggulingan Tsar Nicholas II membuatnya sadar bahwa ia harus kembali ke Rusia atau berisiko tertinggal dari perkembangan di sana. Pemerintah Jerman, yang berperang dengan Rusia, memutuskan untuk mengirim Lenin pulang dengan kereta api melalui Jerman dengan biaya Jerman - seperti kuman wabah dalam wadah tertutup, dalam perumpamaan yang terkenal - untuk membantu menciptakan kerusuhan politik yang merusak di Rusia. Dari Jerman Lenin melanjutkan perjalanan ke Swedia dengan feri. Makan malam diadakan untuk menghormatinya oleh sosial demokrat Swedia di hotel Regina di Stockholm dan dia memberikan wawancara di pers. Dia tiba dengan kereta api di stasiun Finlandia di Petrograd pada bulan April. Lawannya menuduhnya sebagai agen Jerman yang dibayar, yang persis seperti dirinya, dan setelah kemenangan Bolshevik, upaya sungguh-sungguh dilakukan untuk menulis ulang cerita dan menghapus bukti pembayaran Jerman kepadanya.


Krupskaya tentang kembalinya Lenin ke Rusia (1917)

Ketika Revolusi Februari meletus di Rusia dan mengakhiri tsarisme dengan cepat, Vladimir Lenin diasingkan di Swiss. Putus asa mencari cara untuk kembali ke Rusia, dia membuat kesepakatan dengan pemerintah Jerman. Catatan perjalanan kereta api Lenin berikut kembali ke Rusia pada bulan April 1917 berasal dari memoar istrinya, Nadezhda Krupskaya:

“Dari saat berita Revolusi Februari datang, Ilyich bersemangat untuk pergi ke Rusia. Inggris dan Prancis tidak akan karena dunia mengizinkan Bolshevik melewati Rusia… Karena tidak ada cara legal, perlu melakukan perjalanan secara ilegal – tetapi bagaimana caranya? Sejak berita revolusi datang, Ilyich tidak tidur, dan pada malam hari, segala macam rencana luar biasa dibuat…

Pada tanggal 19 Maret, ada pertemuan kelompok emigran politik Rusia di Swiss untuk membahas cara dan cara untuk kembali ke Rusia. Martov mempresentasikan rencana untuk mendapatkan izin bagi imigran untuk melewati Jerman dengan imbalan tawanan perang Jerman dan Austria yang diasingkan di Rusia. Tapi tidak ada yang mau ke sana, kecuali Lenin, yang menggagalkan rencana ini.

Ketika berita datang bahwa pemerintah Jerman akan memberi Lennon dan temannya perjalanan yang aman melalui Jerman, dengan kereta tertutup, Lennon ingin segera pergi. “Kami akan naik kereta pertama.” Kereta akan berangkat dalam waktu dua jam. Kami hanya punya waktu dua jam ini untuk melikuidasi seluruh rumah tangga kami, menyelesaikan rekening dengan induk semang, mengembalikan buku-buku ke perpustakaan, berkemas dan sebagainya.

Saat menaiki kereta, tidak ada pertanyaan yang diajukan tentang bagasi dan paspor. Ilyich menyimpan sepenuhnya untuk dirinya sendiri, pikirannya ada di Rusia. Dalam perjalanan, percakapan itu hanya hal sepele…

Setibanya di Berlin, kereta kami didorong ke sisi… Pada tanggal 31 Maret, kami tiba di Swedia… Bendera merah digantung di ruang tunggu dan rapat diadakan… Dari Swedia, kami menyeberang ke Finlandia dalam perjalanan kecil Kereta luncur Finlandia. Semuanya sudah akrab dan kita sayangi – mobil kelas tiga yang malang, tentara Rusia. Itu sangat bagus & 8230 Orang-orang kami meringkuk di dekat jendela. Peron stasiun yang kami lewati penuh sesak dengan tentara. Usyevich mencondongkan tubuh ke luar jendela dan berteriak, “Hidup revolusi dunia!” Para prajurit memandangnya dengan bingung.

Ilych bertanya kepada kawan-kawan yang duduk bersama kami apakah kami akan ditangkap pada saat kedatangan kami. Mereka tersenyum. Segera kami tiba di Petrograd. Massa Petrograd, pekerja, tentara, dan pelaut datang menemui pemimpin mereka… Ada lautan manusia di sekelilingnya.”


Lenin kembali ke Rusia dari pengasingan - SEJARAH

Pada seratus tahun Revolusi Soviet, kita melihat kembali Lenin yang kembali ke Rusia di musim semi. Massa sedang melakukan revolusi dan mereka membutuhkan Staf Umum mereka, yaitu Partai Revolusioner.

Pada tanggal 3 April (16), 1917, setelah lama diasingkan, Lenin kembali ke Rusia.

Kedatangan Lenin sangat penting bagi Partai dan revolusi.

Saat masih di Swiss, Lenin, setelah menerima berita pertama tentang revolusi, telah menulis “Surat Dari Jauh” kepada Partai dan kelas pekerja Rusia, di mana dia berkata:

“Buruh, kalian telah menunjukkan keajaiban kepahlawanan proletar, kepahlawanan rakyat, dalam perang saudara melawan tsardom. Sekarang Anda harus menunjukkan keajaiban organisasi, organisasi proletariat dan seluruh rakyat, untuk mempersiapkan jalan bagi kemenangan Anda dalam tahap kedua revolusi.” (Lenin, Karya Terpilih, Jil. VI, hal. 11.)

Lenin tiba di Petrograd pada malam tanggal 3 April. Ribuan pekerja, tentara, dan pelaut berkumpul di Stasiun Kereta Api Finlandia dan di alun-alun stasiun untuk menyambutnya. Antusiasme mereka saat Lenin turun dari kereta tak terlukiskan. Mereka mengangkat bahu pemimpin mereka dan membawanya ke ruang tunggu utama stasiun….

Lenin tidak mau mendengarkan kaum oportunis yang ada di stasiun… Lenin tidak berhenti mendengarkan menyapu mereka, dia pergi ke massa pekerja dan tentara. Dengan mengendarai mobil lapis baja, ia menyampaikan pidatonya yang terkenal di mana ia menyerukan kepada massa untuk berjuang demi kemenangan revolusi Sosialis. “Hidup revolusi Sosialis!” adalah kata-kata yang digunakan Lenin untuk mengakhiri pidato pertama ini setelah bertahun-tahun diasingkan.

Kembali ke Rusia, Lenin dengan penuh semangat terjun ke dalam pekerjaan revolusioner. Pada hari kedatangannya, dia menyampaikan laporan tentang masalah perang ...

Tesis April Lenin yang terkenal, memberikan Partai dan proletariat garis revolusioner yang jelas untuk transisi dari revolusi borjuis ke revolusi Sosialis.

Tesis Lenin sangat penting bagi revolusi dan pekerjaan Partai selanjutnya. Revolusi adalah perubahan penting dalam kehidupan negara. Dalam kondisi perjuangan yang baru setelah penggulingan tsar, Partai membutuhkan orientasi baru untuk maju dengan berani dan percaya diri di sepanjang jalan baru. Tesis Lenin memberikan orientasi ini kepada Partai.

Tesis April Lenin meletakkan bagi Partai sebuah rencana perjuangan yang brilian untuk transisi dari revolusi borjuis-demokratis ke revolusi Sosialis, dari tahap pertama revolusi ke tahap kedua—tahap revolusi Sosialis…

Langkah-langkah transisi di bidang ekonomi adalah: nasionalisasi semua tanah dan penyitaan tanah-tanah, penggabungan semua bank menjadi satu bank nasional untuk berada di bawah kendali Deputi Buruh Soviet, dan pembentukan kontrol atas produksi sosial dan distribusi produk.

Di bidang politik, Lenin mengusulkan transisi dari republik parlementer ke republik Soviet.

…Lenin mengusulkan untuk menggantikan republik parlementer dengan republik Soviet sebagai bentuk organisasi politik masyarakat yang paling cocok dalam periode transisi dari kapitalisme ke Sosialisme.

“Fitur khusus dari situasi saat ini di Rusia,” tesis menyatakan, “adalah bahwa itu mewakili transisidari tahap pertama revolusi—yang, karena kurangnya kesadaran kelas dan organisasi proletariat, menempatkan kekuasaan di tangan borjuasi—ke yang kedua panggung, yang harus menempatkan kekuasaan di tangan proletariat dan strata tani termiskin.” (Ibid., P. 22.)

“Bukan republik parlementer—untuk kembali ke republik parlementer dari Deputi Buruh Soviet akan menjadi langkah mundur—tetapi republik Soviet Deputi Buruh, Buruh Pertanian, dan Tani di seluruh negeri, dari atas ke bawah.” (Ibid., P. 23.)

Di bawah pemerintahan baru, Pemerintahan Sementara, perang terus menjadi perang imperialis predator, kata Lenin…

…kecuali borjuasi digulingkan, tidak mungkin mengakhiri perang dengan perdamaian yang benar-benar demokratis dan bukan perdamaian yang rakus.

Mengenai Pemerintahan Sementara, slogan yang diajukan Lenin adalah: “Tidak ada dukungan untuk Pemerintahan Sementara!”

… tugas Partai terdiri dari sebagai berikut:

“Harus dijelaskan kepada massa bahwa Deputi Buruh Soviet adalah hanya mungkin bentuk pemerintahan revolusioner, dan oleh karena itu tugas kita adalah, selama ini pemerintah menyerah pada pengaruh borjuasi, untuk menghadirkan pasien, sistematis, dan gigih penjelasan kesalahan taktik mereka, penjelasan yang secara khusus disesuaikan dengan kebutuhan praktis massa. Selama kita menjadi minoritas, kita terus melakukan kritik dan pengungkapan kesalahan dan pada saat yang sama kita mengkhotbahkan perlunya mentransfer seluruh kekuasaan negara kepada Deputi Buruh Soviet. . . .” (Ibid., P. 23.)

Lenin lebih lanjut menuntut agar 'baju kotor' dibuang, yaitu Partai tidak lagi menyebut dirinya Partai Sosial-Demokrat. Partai-partai Internasional Kedua dan Menshevik Rusia menyebut diri mereka Sosial-Demokrat. Nama ini telah dinodai dan dipermalukan oleh kaum oportunis, pengkhianat Sosialisme.

Lenin mengusulkan agar Partai Bolshevik disebut Partai Komunis, yang merupakan nama yang diberikan oleh Marx dan Engels kepada partai mereka. Nama ini secara ilmiah benar, karena itu adalah tujuan akhir Partai Bolshevik untuk mencapai Komunisme.

Umat ​​manusia dapat berpindah langsung dari kapitalisme hanya ke Sosialisme, yaitu kepemilikan bersama atas alat-alat produksi dan distribusi produk-produk sesuai dengan pekerjaan yang dilakukan oleh masing-masing.

Lenin berkata bahwa Partai kita melihat lebih jauh ke depan. Sosialisme pasti akan secara bertahap beralih ke Komunisme, di panji yang tertulis pepatah: “Dari masing-masing sesuai dengan kemampuannya, untuk masing-masing sesuai dengan kebutuhannya.”

Terakhir, Lenin dalam tesisnya menuntut pembentukan Internasional baru, Internasional Ketiga, Komunis Internasional, yang akan bebas dari oportunisme dan sosial-chauvinisme.

Tesis Lenin menimbulkan protes hiruk pikuk dari borjuasi, Menshevik dan Sosialis-Revolusioner.

Kaum Menshevik mengeluarkan proklamasi kepada kaum buruh yang dimulai dengan peringatan: “revolusi dalam bahaya.” Bahayanya, menurut pendapat kaum Menshevik, terletak pada fakta bahwa kaum Bolshevik telah mengajukan tuntutan untuk pemindahan kekuasaan kepada Deputi Buruh dan Prajurit Soviet.

Plekhanov di korannya, Yedinstvo (Persatuan), menulis sebuah artikel di mana dia menyebut pidato Lenin sebagai “ceramah.” ….

Pada tanggal 14 April, Konferensi Bolshevik Kota Petrograd diadakan. Konferensi menyetujui tesis Lenin dan menjadikannya dasar dari pekerjaannya.

Dalam waktu singkat, organisasi lokal Partai juga telah menyetujui tesis Lenin.

Tapi apa yang sebenarnya terjadi?

Kapal penjelajah Aurora melatih senjatanya di Istana Musim Dingin, dan pada tanggal 25 Oktober guntur mereka mengantarkan era baru, era Revolusi Sosialis Besar.

Pada tanggal 25 Oktober (7 November), kaum Bolshevik mengeluarkan sebuah manifesto “Kepada Warga Rusia” yang mengumumkan bahwa Pemerintahan Sementara borjuis telah digulingkan dan bahwa kekuasaan negara telah jatuh ke tangan Soviet.

Pemerintahan Sementara telah berlindung di Istana Musim Dingin di bawah perlindungan taruna dan batalyon kejut. Pada malam tanggal 25 Oktober para pekerja revolusioner, tentara dan pelaut menyerbu Istana Musim Dingin dan menangkap Pemerintahan Sementara.


April 1917: Lenin kembali ke Rusia

Berita tentang revolusi di Rusia sampai ke Swiss pada bulan Maret 1917, dan banyak emigran Rusia yang aktif secara politik segera memutuskan untuk pulang. Dipimpin oleh Lenin, kaum revolusioner menaiki kereta tertutup dan melakukan perjalanan dengan kereta api melintasi Jerman.

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Desa Gottmadingen tampak seperti tempat di mana tidak ada konsekuensi apa pun yang pernah terjadi. Itu terletak di pedesaan pedesaan yang lembut di barat daya Jerman, sangat dekat dengan perbatasan Swiss. Gottmadingen memiliki stasiun kereta api sederhana yang dilayani oleh kereta api lokal reguler yang antar-jemput antara Schaffhausen dan Singen. Pengunjung biasa mungkin berasumsi bahwa dalam sejarah perkeretaapian tidak pernah ada orang yang benar-benar berganti kereta di Gottmadingen.

Tapi seratus tahun yang lalu bulan ini, sekelompok orang Rusia yang sangat terkenal memang berpindah kereta di Gottmadingen. Berita tentang revolusi di Rusia telah mencapai Swiss pada bulan Maret 1917, dan banyak emigran Rusia yang aktif secara politik segera memutuskan untuk pulang. "Kita harus pergi dengan segala cara, bahkan jika kita pergi ke neraka," kata Lenin.

Demikianlah sekelompok dua lusin revolusioner, yang dipimpin oleh Lenin sendiri, berangkat dari Swiss untuk kembali ke Petrograd. Di Gottmadingen, rombongan Lenin bergabung dengan kereta api untuk transit melintasi Jerman pada masa perang. Pihak berwenang Berlin berhati-hati dengan Rusia, tetapi senang untuk membayar transit dengan syarat bahwa Rusia bepergian dengan kereta tertutup.

Jarang ada sekelompok pelancong yang begitu gugup saat tiba di Gottmadingen. Pada masa itu, stasiun terpencil ini digunakan untuk pemeriksaan perbatasan bagi penumpang yang memasuki Jerman dari Swiss. Lenin dan rombongannya dengan hati-hati turun dari kereta Swiss yang membawa mereka dari Schaffhausen.

Saat itu sore hari di Gottmadingen. Para pendatang baru itu dibagi menjadi dua kelompok, laki-laki dan perempuan. Rusia takut bahwa ini mungkin menandai akhir yang prematur dari perjalanan mereka. Apakah mereka mungkin jatuh ke dalam perangkap Jerman? Tetapi, setelah menunggu dengan gugup, para pelancong dikawal melewati peron untuk bergabung dengan kereta yang paling tidak biasa: mesin uap Jerman yang mengangkut satu gerbong hijau dengan delapan kompartemen.

Ini bukanlah mobil tidur yang mewah, tetapi kereta yang cukup standar dari jenis yang digunakan untuk perjalanan jarak menengah di Jerman pada tahun-tahun pembukaan abad terakhir. Itu bukan jenis kereta yang biasanya digunakan untuk perjalanan yang membutuhkan tiga malam di atas kapal. Untungnya, ada dua toilet, satu di kedua ujung gerbong dan ruang terpisah untuk bagasi - bukan berarti orang Rusia dibebani oleh tas berat. Setelah bertahun-tahun diasingkan di Swiss, Lenin kembali ke rumah dengan membawa tidak lebih dari ransel penuh dokumen.

Lenin bekerja dalam perjalanan panjang melintasi Jerman. Itu adalah kesempatan untuk menguraikan arahan yang akan dia keluarkan setibanya di Petrograd. Ini kemudian dikenal sebagai Tesis April dan tentunya peringkat sebagai salah satu dokumen paling penting yang pernah ditulis di kereta api.

Itu adalah perjalanan yang dimulai dan dihentikan. Tak lama setelah mereka meninggalkan Gottmadingen, kereta dialihkan ke sisi dekat Singen untuk berhenti semalam. Rute kemudian dilanjutkan melalui Frankfurt dan Halle ke Berlin di mana kereta itu kembali terhenti selama berjam-jam. Dari ibu kota Jerman, kereta yang disegel diangkut ke utara melalui hutan Pomerania Barat ke pantai Baltik, di mana ia dipindahkan ke feri untuk penyeberangan singkat ke pulau Rügen. Dari sana jalur kereta api membentang lima puluh kilometer melintasi pulau ke pelabuhan Sassnitz, di mana orang-orang Rusia yang tidak dicuci turun dan naik feri ke Swedia. Lautan kasar dalam perjalanan empat jam ke Trelleborg mungkin tidak melakukan apa pun untuk meningkatkan ketenangan Rusia.

Perjalanan 60 jam dari Gottmadingen ke Sassnitz dengan kereta tertutup diatur oleh otoritas Jerman sedemikian rupa sehingga Rusia tidak memiliki kontak dengan orang Jerman di luar dua penjaga yang menemani mereka di kereta. Ini pasti satu-satunya contoh kereta api dari Gottmadingen ke Sassnitz.

Kereta tempat Lenin bepergian dipertahankan dan selama beberapa dekade tetap di Sassnitz. Pada tahun 1960-an dan pada perubahan politik tahun 1989, itu dipamerkan sebagai contoh yang baik dari warisan dan sejarah Komunis. Pada tahap tertentu pada 1990-an, itu dihapus dari Sassnitz dan sekarang berada di stasiun kereta api Park Sanssouci di Potsdam. Gudang tempat kereta disimpan adalah bagian dari pusat pelatihan nasional untuk staf kereta api, sayangnya, biasanya tidak dapat diakses oleh umum.

Nicky Gardner dan Susanne Kries
(editor, eropa tersembunyi Majalah)


Perjalanan Kembali Vladimir Lenin ke Rusia Mengubah Dunia Selamanya

Kota Haparanda, 700 mil di utara Stockholm, adalah noda peradaban yang sepi di tundra luas Laplandia Swedia. Dulunya merupakan pos terdepan yang berkembang untuk perdagangan mineral, bulu dan kayu, dan titik persimpangan utara utama ke Finlandia, di seberang Sungai Torne. Pada sore Oktober yang dingin dan tidak berawan, saya turun dari bus setelah dua jam perjalanan dari Lulea, perhentian terakhir kereta penumpang dari Stockholm, dan mendekati stan wisata di dalam terminal bus Haparanda. Manajer membuat sketsa jalan yang membawa saya melewati toko IKEA paling utara di dunia, dan kemudian di bawah jalan raya empat jalur dan menyusuri Storgatan, atau jalan utama. Tersebar di antara blok-blok apartemen beton adalah sisa-sisa masa lalu pedesaan kota: rumah perdagangan sirap kayu Stadshotell, penginapan berusia seabad dan Handelsbank, struktur Victoria dengan kubah dan atap melengkung abu-abu.

Bacaan Terkait

Karya Esensial Lenin: "Apa yang Harus Dilakukan?" dan Tulisan Lainnya

To the Finland Station: A Study in the Acting and Writing of History (FSG Classics)

Saya mengikuti jalan kecil menuju lapangan terbuka berumput di tepi Torne. Di seberang sungai di Finlandia, kubah putih Gereja Alatornio abad ke-18 menjulang di atas hutan pohon birch. Dalam cahaya terang menjelang senja, saya berjalan ke stasiun kereta api, sebuah bangunan batu bata neo-Klasik yang monumental. Di dalam ruang tunggu saya menemukan apa yang saya cari, sebuah plakat perunggu yang dipasang di dinding ubin biru: “Di sini Lenin melewati Haparanda pada tanggal 15 April 1917, dalam perjalanannya dari pengasingan di Swiss ke Petrograd di Rusia.& #8221

Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, bergabung dengan 29 orang buangan Rusia lainnya, seorang Polandia dan seorang Swiss, sedang dalam perjalanan ke Rusia untuk mencoba merebut kekuasaan dari pemerintah dan mendeklarasikan “kediktatoran proletariat,” sebuah frase yang diciptakan di pertengahan Abad ke-19 dan diadopsi oleh Karl Marx dan Friedrich Engels, pendiri Marxisme. Lenin dan rekan-rekan diasingkan, semua revolusioner, termasuk istrinya, Nadezhda Krupskaya, telah naik kereta api di Zurich, menyeberangi Jerman, melakukan perjalanan Laut Baltik dengan feri dan naik 17 jam dengan kereta api dari Stockholm ke sudut terpencil Swedia.

Mereka menyewa kereta luncur yang ditarik kuda untuk menyeberangi sungai beku menuju Finlandia. “Saya ingat saat itu malam,” Grigory Zinoviev, salah satu orang buangan yang bepergian dengan Lenin, akan menulis dalam sebuah memoar. “Ada pita tipis panjang kereta luncur. Di setiap kereta luncur ada dua orang. Ketegangan saat [kami] mendekati perbatasan Finlandia mencapai puncaknya. Vladimir Ilyich tampak tenang. Delapan hari kemudian, dia akan mencapai St. Petersburg, yang saat itu menjadi ibu kota Rusia tetapi dikenal sebagai Petrograd.

Perjalanan Lenin, yang dilakukan 100 tahun yang lalu pada bulan April ini, menggerakkan peristiwa-peristiwa yang akan selamanya mengubah sejarah—dan masih diperhitungkan hingga hari ini—jadi saya memutuskan untuk menelusuri kembali langkahnya, penasaran untuk melihat bagaimana Bolshevik yang hebat menorehkan dirinya di Rusia dan bangsa-bangsa yang dia lewati di sepanjang jalan. Saya juga ingin merasakan sebagian dari apa yang dialami Lenin saat dia melaju menuju takdirnya. Dia bepergian dengan rombongan revolusioner dan pemula, tetapi teman saya adalah buku yang sudah lama saya kagumi, Ke Finlandia Stasiun, Edmund Wilson's magisterial 1940 sejarah pemikiran revolusioner, di mana ia menggambarkan Lenin sebagai puncak dinamis dari 150 tahun teori radikal. Gelar Wilson mengacu pada depot Petrograd, “stasiun plesteran kecil yang lusuh, abu-abu karet dan merah muda ternoda,” di mana Lenin turun dari kereta yang membawanya dari Finlandia untuk menciptakan kembali dunia.

Seperti yang terjadi, peringatan seratus tahun perjalanan Lenin yang menentukan datang tepat ketika pertanyaan tentang Rusia, demikian sebutannya, semakin mendesak. Presiden Vladimir Putin telah muncul dalam beberapa tahun terakhir sebagai niat otoriter militeristik untuk membangun kembali Rusia sebagai kekuatan dunia. Hubungan AS-Rusia lebih penuh daripada dalam beberapa dekade.

Berlangganan majalah Smithsonian sekarang hanya dengan $12

Artikel ini adalah pilihan dari majalah Smithsonian edisi Maret

Sementara Putin merangkul sikap agresif para pendahulu Sovietnya dengan membunuh oposisi, perluasan batas teritorial negara dengan paksaan dan kekerasan, dan dalam pengertian itu adalah pewaris warisan brutal Lenin, dia bukan penggemarnya. Lenin, yang mewakili kekuatan penuh gejolak yang menjungkirbalikkan masyarakat, bukanlah sosok yang ingin dirayakan oleh Putin, seorang otokrat yang sangat konservatif. “Kami tidak membutuhkan revolusi global,” Putin mengatakan kepada seorang pewawancara tahun lalu pada peringatan 92 tahun kematian Lenin. Beberapa hari kemudian Putin mengecam Lenin dan Bolshevik karena mengeksekusi Tsar Nicholas II, keluarga dan pelayannya, dan karena membunuh ribuan pendeta dalam Teror Merah, dan menempatkan “bom waktu” di bawah negara Rusia.

Matahari terbenam saat saya berjalan menuju stasiun bus untuk mengejar perjalanan saya melintasi jembatan ke Finlandia. Aku menggigil kedinginan di Arktik saat aku berjalan di samping sungai yang telah dilintasi Lenin, dengan menara gereja tua yang memantulkan air yang tenang dalam cahaya merah muda yang memudar. Di kafe terminalé, saya memesan sepiring ikan haring—yang salah diidentifikasi oleh pelayan sebagai “paus”—dan duduk dalam kegelapan yang semakin pekat sampai bus berhenti, dalam gema biasa perjalanan berbahaya Lenin.

Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov lahir pada tahun 1870 dalam keluarga kelas menengah di Simbirsk (sekarang disebut Ulyanovsk), di Sungai Volga, 600 mil timur Moskow. Ibunya berpendidikan tinggi, ayahnya direktur sekolah dasar untuk Provinsi Simbirsk dan “pria dengan karakter dan kemampuan tinggi,” tulis Wilson. Meskipun Vladimir dan saudara-saudaranya tumbuh dalam kenyamanan, kemiskinan dan ketidakadilan kekaisaran Rusia sangat membebani mereka. Pada tahun 1887 kakak laki-lakinya, Alexander, digantung di St. Petersburg karena keterlibatannya dalam konspirasi untuk membunuh Tsar Alexander III. Eksekusi “mengeraskan” Vladimir muda, kata adiknya, Anna, yang akan dikirim ke pengasingan untuk subversi. Kepala sekolah menengah Vladimir mengeluh bahwa remaja itu “menjauh, bahkan dengan orang yang dia kenal dan bahkan dengan teman sekolahnya yang paling superior.”

Setelah jeda di Universitas Kazan, Ulyanov mulai membaca karya-karya Marx dan Engels, ahli teori Komunisme abad ke-19. “Dari saat penemuannya tentang Marx. jalannya jelas,' tulis sejarawan Inggris Edward Crankshaw. “Rusia harus melakukan revolusi.” Setelah memperoleh gelar sarjana hukum dari Universitas St. Petersburg pada tahun 1891, Lenin menjadi pemimpin kelompok Marxis di St. Petersburg, secara diam-diam mendistribusikan pamflet revolusioner kepada pekerja pabrik dan merekrut anggota baru. Sebagai saudara dari seorang anti-tsar yang dieksekusi, dia diawasi oleh polisi, dan pada tahun 1895 dia ditangkap, dihukum karena menyebarkan propaganda dan dijatuhi hukuman tiga tahun di pengasingan Siberia. Nadezhda Krupskaya, putri seorang perwira tentara Rusia miskin yang dicurigai memiliki simpati revolusioner, bergabung dengannya di sana. Keduanya bertemu di sebuah pertemuan kaum kiri di St. Petersburg, dia menikah dengannya di Siberia. Ulyanov kemudian akan mengadopsi nom de guerre Lenin (kemungkinan berasal dari nama sungai Siberia, Lena).

Segera setelah kembali dari Siberia, Lenin melarikan diri ke pengasingan di Eropa Barat. Kecuali untuk waktu yang singkat di Rusia, ia tetap berada di luar negeri sampai tahun 1917. Pindah dari Praha ke London ke Bern, menerbitkan surat kabar radikal bernama Iskra (“Spark”) dan mencoba mengorganisir gerakan Marxis internasional, Lenin menyusun rencananya untuk mengubah Rusia dari masyarakat feodal menjadi surga pekerja modern’. Dia berargumen bahwa revolusi akan datang dari koalisi petani dan pekerja pabrik, yang disebut proletariat selalu dipimpin oleh kaum revolusioner profesional. “Perhatian harus dicurahkan terutama untuk meningkatkan pekerja sampai tingkat revolusioner,” Lenin menulis dalam manifesto Apa yang Harus Dilakukan? “Sama sekali bukan tugas kita untuk turun ke tingkat ‘massa pekerja.’”

Tahta Nicholas II, di St. Petersburg (Davide Monteleone)

Segera setelah pecahnya perang dunia pada Agustus 1914, Lenin dan Krupskaya berada di Zurich, hidup dari warisan keluarga kecil.

Saya berjalan ke Altstadt, sekelompok gang abad pertengahan yang menjulang dari tepian Sungai Limmat yang curam. Spiegelgasse, jalur sempit berbatu, berlari menanjak dari Limmat, melewati Cabaret Voltaire, sebuah kafe yang didirikan pada tahun 1916 dan, dalam banyak kisah, digambarkan sebagai tempat kelahiran Dadaisme, dan tumpah ke alun-alun rindang yang didominasi oleh batu air mancur. Di sini saya menemukan Nomor 14, sebuah bangunan lima lantai dengan atap runcing, dan sebuah plakat peringatan dipasang di fasad krem. The legend, in German, declares that from February 21, 1916, until April 2, 1917, this was the home of “Lenin, leader of the Russian Revolution.”

Today the Altstadt is Zurich’s most touristy neighborhood, filled with cafés and gift shops, but when Lenin lived here, it was a down-and-out quarter prowled by thieves and prostitutes. In her Reminiscences of Lenin, Krupskaya described their home as “a dingy old house” with “a smelly courtyard” overlooking a sausage factory. The house had one thing going for it, Krupskaya remembered: The owners were “a working-class family with a revolutionary outlook, who condemned the imperialist war.” At one point, their landlady exclaimed, “The soldiers ought to turn their weapons against their governments!” After that, wrote Krupskaya, “Ilyich would not hear of moving to another place.” Today that rundown rooming house has been renovated and features a trinket shop on the ground floor selling everything from multicolored Lenin busts to lava lamps.

Lenin spent his days churning out tracts in the reading room of Zurich’s Central Library and, at home, played host to a stream of fellow exiles. Lenin and Krupskaya took morning strolls along the Limmat and, when the library was closed on Thursday afternoons, hiked up the Zurichberg north of the city, taking along some books and “two bars of nut chocolate in blue wrappers at 15 centimes.”

I followed Lenin’s usual route along the Limmatquai, the river’s east bank, gazing across the narrow waterway at Zurich’s landmarks, including the church of St. Peter, distinguished by the largest clock face in Europe. The Limmatquai skirted a spacious square and at the far corner I reached the popular Café Odeon. Famed for Art Nouveau décor that has changed little in a century—chandeliers, brass fittings and marble-sheathed walls—the Odeon was one of Lenin’s favorite spots for reading newspapers. At the counter, I fell into conversation with a Swiss journalist who freelances for the venerable Neue Zürcher Zeitung. “The paper had already been around for 140 years when Lenin lived here,” he boasted.

On the afternoon of March 15, 1917, Mieczyslaw Bronski, a young Polish revolutionary, raced up the stairs to the Lenins’ one-room apartment, just as the couple had finished lunch. “Haven’t you heard the news?” he exclaimed. “There’s a revolution in Russia!”

Enraged over food shortages, corruption and the disastrous war against Germany and Austria-Hungary, thousands of demonstrators had filled the streets of Petrograd, clashing with police soldiers loyal to the czar switched their support to the protesters, forcing Nicholas II to abdicate. He and his family were placed under house arrest. The Russian Provisional Government, dominated by members of the bourgeoisie—the caste that Lenin despised—had taken over, sharing power with the Petrograd Soviet, a local governing body. Committees, or “soviets,” made up of industrial workers and soldiers, many with radical sympathies, had begun to form across Russia. Lenin raced out to buy every newspaper he could find—and began making plans to return home.

The German government was at war with Russia, but it nonetheless agreed to help Lenin return home. Germany saw “in this obscure fanatic one more bacillus to let loose in tottering and exhausted Russia to spread infection,” Crankshaw writes.

On April 9, Lenin and his 31 comrades gathered at Zurich station. A group of about 100 Russians, enraged that the revolutionaries had arranged passage by negotiating with the German enemy, jeered at the departing company. “Provocateurs! Spies! Pigs! Traitors!” the demonstrators shouted, in a scene documented by historian Michael Pearson. “The Kaiser is paying for the journey. They’re going to hang you. like German spies.” (Evidence suggests that German financiers did, in fact, secretly fund Lenin and his circle.) As the train left the station, Lenin reached out the window to bid farewell to a friend. “Either we’ll be swinging from the gallows in three months or we shall be in power,” he predicted.

Lenin's journey (Frank Payne and Catherine Merridale)

Seated with Krupskaya in an end compartment, Lenin scribbled in an exercise book, expressing views similar to those he had advanced shortly before departure, by telegram to his Bolshevik cohorts in the Petrograd Soviet, urging no compromise: “Our tactics: no support to the new government. arming of the proletariat the sole guarantee. no rapprochement with other parties.”

As they rolled toward Berlin, Krupskaya and Lenin took note of the absence of young men in the villages where they stopped—virtually all were at the front or dead.

A Deutsche Bahn regional train second-class compartment bore me across Germany to Rostock, a port city on the Baltic Sea. I boarded the Tom Sawyer, a seven-deck vessel the length of two football fields operated by the German TT Lines. A handful of tourists and dozens of Scandinavian and Russian truck drivers sipped goulash soup and ate bratwurst in the cafeteria as the ferry lurched into motion. Stepping onto the outdoor observation deck on a cold, drizzly night, I felt the sting of sea spray and stared up at a huge orange lifeboat, clamped in its frame high above me. Leaning over the starboard rail, I could make out the red and green lights of a buoy flashing through the mist. Then we passed the last jetty and headed into the open sea, bound for Trelleborg, Sweden, six hours north.

The sea was rougher when Lenin made the crossing aboard a Swedish ferry, Ratu Victoria. While most of his comrades suffered the heaving of the ship below decks, Lenin remained outside, joining a few other stalwarts in singing revolutionary anthems. At one point a wave broke across the bow and smacked Lenin in the face. As he dried himself with a handkerchief, someone declared, to laughter, “The first revolutionary wave from the shores of Russia.”

Plowing through the blackness of the Baltic night, I found it easy to imagine the excitement that Lenin must have felt as his ship moved inexorably toward his homeland. After standing in the drizzle for a half-hour, I headed to my spartan cabin to catch a few hours sleep before the vessel docked in Sweden at 4:30 in the morning.

In Trelleborg, I caught a train north to Stockholm, as Lenin did, riding past lush meadows and forests.

Once in the Swedish capital I followed in Lenin’s footsteps down the crowded Vasagatan, the main commercial street, to PUB, once the city’s most elegant department store, now a hotel. Lenin’s Swedish socialist friends brought him here to be outfitted “like a gentleman” before his arrival in Petrograd. He consented to a new pair of shoes to replace his studded mountain boots, but he drew the line at an overcoat he was not, he said, opening a tailor shop.

From the former PUB store, I crossed a canal on foot to the Gamla Stan, the Old Town, a hive of medieval alleys on a small island, and walked to a smaller island, Skeppsholmen, the site of another monument to Lenin’s sojourn in Sweden. Created by Swedish artist Bjorn Lovin and situated in the courtyard of the Museum of Modern Art, it consists of a backdrop of black granite and a long strip of cobblestones embedded with a piece of iron tram track. The work pays tribute to an iconic photo of Lenin strolling the Vasagatan, carrying an umbrella and wearing a fedora, joined by Krupskaya and other revolutionaries. The museum catalog asserts that “This is not a monument that pays tribute to a person” but rather is “a memorial, in the true sense of the word.” Yet the work—like other vestiges of Lenin all over Europe—has become an object of controversy. After a visit in January 2016, former Swedish Prime Minister Carl Bildt tweeted that the exhibit was a “shameful monument to Lenin visiting Stockholm. At least it’s dark & discreet.”

Clambering into the horse-drawn sleds on the bank of the frozen Torne in Haparanda on the night of April 15, Lenin and his wife and comrades crossed to Finland, then under Russian control, and fully expected to be turned back at the border or even detained by Russian authorities. Instead they received a hearty welcome. “Everything was already familiar and dear to us,” Krupskaya wrote in Kenangan, recalling the train they boarded in Russianized Finland, which had been annexed by Czar Alexander I in 1809. “[T]he wretched third-class cars, the Russian soldiers. It was terribly good.”

I spent the night in Kemi, Finland, a bleak town on Bothnian Bay, walking in the freezing rain through the deserted streets to a concrete-block hotel just up from the waterfront. When I awoke at 7:30 the town was still shrouded in darkness. In winter, a receptionist told me, Kemi experiences only a couple of hours of daylight.

From there, I took the train south to Tampere, a riverside city where Lenin briefly stopped on his way to Petrograd. Twelve years earlier, Lenin had held a clandestine meeting in the Tampere Workers Hall with a 25-year-old revolutionary and bank robber, Joseph Stalin, to discuss money-raising schemes for the Bolsheviks. In 1946, pro-Soviet Finns turned that meeting room into a Lenin Museum, filling it with objects such as Lenin’s high-school honors certificate and iconic portraiture, including a copy of the 1947 painting Lenin Proclaims Soviet Power, by the Russian artist Vladimir Serov.

“The museum’s primary role was to convey to the Finns the good things about the Soviet system,” curator Kalle Kallio, a bearded historian and self-described “pacifist,” told me when I met him at the entrance to the last surviving Lenin museum outside Russia. At its peak, the Lenin Museum drew 20,000 tourists a year—mostly Soviet tour groups visiting nonaligned Finland to get a taste of the West. But after the Soviet Union broke apart in 1991, interest waned, Finnish members of parliament denounced it and vandals ripped off the sign on the front door and riddled it with bullets. “It was the most hated museum in Finland,” Kallio said.


When Lenin Returned

Edward Crankshaw, English author and historian, first visited Soviet Russia as a member of the British Military Mission to Moscow during the war he went back again in 1947 as a writer for the Pengamat London and it was in the course of these two tours of duty that he made the observations and drew the conclusions which led to his two authoritative books, Russia and the Russians dan Cracks in the Kremlin Wall. When asked to define the most decisive moment in Lenin's career, Mr. Crankshaw chose without hesitation those first few days when, after long exile, Lenin returned to take into his own hands the direction of the Revolution.

Lenin would have said there was no turning point in his life he would have said that he followed a straight line, undeviatingly, from the dawn of his political consciousness to the moment of his death. And this was true. There was no turning point because in the moment of supreme crisis Lenin, under overwhelming pressures, continued his straight line and yet was not broken.

The Russian people had wanted revolution. Itu harus datang. What they meant by revolution was the overthrow of an inept and suffocating tyranny and its substitution by some more liberal system. The Provisional Government, if it had immediately sued for peace with Germany and shown more activity about the redistribution of land, could have remained in power, leading Russia into some kind of democratic system. But because it held to the war, as an obligation because it knew it would depend in future on the favors of the Entente and because it was patriotic, it could not begin to alleviate the misery of the people, greatly aggravated by the war. It was this misery which Lenin deliberately set himself out to exploit.

He was not, he never pretended to be, an original thinker. From the moment of his discovery of Marx at Kazan University his way was clear. Russia had to have revolution. In this he was at one with the whole of the Russian intelligentsia. The only proper way to bring about revolution was the Marxist way. Revolution in Russia would have to be made by the urban proletariat and the rural proletariat of the poorest peasants, led by professional revolutionaries who understood what was going on. All this was common ground with all the Marxist parties. And, indeed, it is no use looking for the secret of Leninism in any particular theory.

His whole contribution was to practice. Marx for him was a blueprint, a guide to action. The fundamental point was the dictatorship of the proletariat. The enemy was liberal reformism. The proletariat had to be educated and raised up politically to the level of a handful of professional revolutionaries, who could not possibly alone produce a revolution. Anything that in any way debilitated the strength of the professional hard core was anathema. And what debilitated was not wrong theory but mistaken strategy and tactics. The word for mistake was compromise. Thus the criticism which dwells on Lenin's theoretical inconsistencies misses the point. He was inconsistent. He appealed to Marx as the fundamentalist appeals to the Bible. He had a single burning idea: to bring the Marxist revolution to the world and to Russia. His approach to this problem was the approach not of the revolutionary theorist, like Trotsky, like the Mensheviks, like most of his Bolshevik colleagues, but of the self-made, practical statesman. His political sense found the proper tactics and strategy. His knowledge of Marx then found the text to support his action. His will and personality carried him through. His quarrels with his closest colleagues of the Social Democratic Party were invariably quarrels about tactics and strategy, not about theory: how best to further the Marxist revolution, the dictatorship of the proletariat, in the shortest possible time. He found the way. But others, like Trotsky, like Martov oven, were the more correct Marxists.

Behind him, Lenin swung into line a vast and primitive country of 150 million souls. Those who held out against the swing were broken. It was a one-man performance unique in the history of the world. The crisis, when, according to all possible calculations, Lenin had to give way or be broken, began late at night on April 16, 1917. He took it at a trot, apparently quite unaware that he was doing anything out of the ordinary.

He took it at a trot quite literally. For eight days, cooped up with an assortment of exiled comrades, he had been traveling across Europe in the famous sealed train from Zurich. For anybody but Lenin those days would have been solemn with soul-searching the professional revolutionary, trained and self-disciplined and dedicated for years to the moment of action, cast off and toiling ceaselessly in the squalor of foreign exile to keep his comrades up to the mark, was going home to put his ideas into practice. The long, fantastic train journey, arranged by the German government, which saw in this obscure fanatic one more bacillus to let loose in tottering and exhausted Russia to spread infection, was an opportunity for stocktaking of the most elaborate kind. But to Lenin it was merely a slow and tedious way of getting on with the job.

He had been at the job for years. He had been under pressure for years. For years his task had been not to preach revolution but to keep the preachers of revolution up to the mark, so that when the day came they would know what to do. For years he had worked in exile because the police would not let him work in Russia. Now that it was possible to go back to Russia, there was the difficulty of crossing enemy territory. He had thought of every conceivable means and had to abandon plan after plan, until a Swedish Social Democrat had persuaded the German government to put him on a train.

He felt no gratitude. Since the first news of the revolution had reached him in his dismal lodgings in Zurich he had lived for this day, which had now, miraculously, come. Another man would have been betrayed into expressing emotion in the first relief of tension. But not Lenin. Nobody knows what he felt in his heart, but he gave nothing away. He accepted the German offer as his right: they were not doing it for love of him but out of sheer self-interest—as well they might, seeing that he was going back to Russia to end the war! And, while they were about it, there were certain conditions he required them to observe, if he was going to honor them by traveling in their train. He laid down the conditions, like a conqueror and they were accepted.

So he embarked, with thirty-five fellow revolutionaries, as the most natural thing in the world. The train journey was simply a hiatus in his work. He was fairly certain that he would be arrested the moment he set foot in Russia and he spent some time preparing a speech in his defense, which he discussed with his comrades.

About Lenin's personal emotions we know nothing. Indeed, the deeper we go into the existing accounts of his life the more glaring becomes the almost total absence of any information which throws light on his state of mind at any given time.

It is tempting to conclude that he had no emotional life but it would not be true. Nadezhda Konstantinova Krupskaya, his wife, the companion of his lifetime, his fellow revolutionary, tells us what little we know and it is enough to show that he was no automaton. From time to time in her memoirs we learn that Ilych was withdrawn, moody, cast down, or in high spirits. From time to time the two of them, usually for Krupskaya's health, would go off into the mountains to be alone with nature, which Ilych loved. He liked hunting in Siberia, and once let a fox, which he should have shot, go off unhurt "because it was so beautiful." He would listen to music, and above all he loved the Appassionata Sonata of Beethoven.

He read other things besides revolutionary philosophy and blue books. Particularly in the last days of Swiss exile, with the world at war all around him, he gave more time to the novels he loved Krupskaya says he had "mellowed" at this time. Nobody knew anything about this. Krupskaya tells how when she was first introduced to Lenin she was told he had never read a novel or a poem in his life. It was much later that she discovered, with surprise (the surprise is characteristic), that in fact he was as well read in the classics as she herself. He read them all again in Siberia. But the world did not know.

The world knew practically nothing. As a child he had respected and admired his brother Alexander, who was hanged for his part in the attempted assassination of the Tsar. That respect and admiration was reciprocated, but, said Alexander, "we do not understand each other." His schoolmasters did not understand him either. The headmaster of his school, none other than the father of Kerensky, whom Lenin was one day to overthrow, did his best for the boy, but complained of his excessive reserve and unsociability. He had "a distant manner even with people he knows and even with the most superior of his schoolmates."

Later on he was to develop an extreme sociability. But it was the sociability of the great headmaster, in Edmund Wilson's phrase. There is no record of any conversation at all with Lenin that was not about the coming revolution, how to make it come, and how best to equip the party to be fit and well and mentally trim for the fight. So he went on being reserved. Perhaps his friendship with Maxim Gorki was his only safety valve. Only with Gorki did Lenin ever allow political differences to be overridden by personal warmth. There is also one note to Kamenev, written when Lenin had to go into hiding after the "July Days," when the Provisional Government put its ban on him. "Entre nous," he wrote, "if they bump me off I ask you to publish my little notebook Marxisme tentang Negara (stranded in Stockholm). Bound in a blue cover . . . . There is a whole series of notes and comments. Formulate it. I think you could publish it with a week's work. I think it is important, for it is not only Plekhanov and Kautsky who have got off the track. My conditions: all this to be absolutely entre nous."

In that little note, forced out of him by an extreme emergency—for the agitation against Lenin as an alleged German agent was then formidable and dangerous—we see perfectly expressed the familiar character, while for once we are permitted a glimpse of the human feelings beneath the normally unflawed reserve.

"All the writing of Lenin is functional it is all aimed at accomplishing an immediate purpose," said Wilson. This was true of his whole way of living. For the sake of an immediate purpose he ruthlessly cut across old friendships without the least apparent hesitation or regret and in his public attacks on men who had been his devoted comrades the day before, he employed for the first time that crudely savage invective, the "robber-cannibal" style which has since become the dreary idiom of the Communist Party everywhere. But Krupskaya tells enough to show that he often felt regret. His recurrent joy when Martov, the Monshevik leader whom he loved, returned to the straight and narrow path of Leninism (only to stray again) is proof of this. There is more in Lenin's welcome than the delight of "I told you so!" He knew feelings of tenderness what he lacked was a sense of doubt. He loved people, thus, with a perfect detachment, as one loves a dog or a pet rabbit. There was no sharing in his love.

Never, at any time, did it occur to him that he might be wrong and others right. Various contemporaries commented on the extreme sensitiveness with which he entered into others' feelings. But it is to be doubted whether he was capable of this. He was considerate to a degree when consideration was politically permissible. There was a deep fund of kindness, which he would switch off when it was politically desirable to do so but it was kindness from outside. It was the kindness of the man who does not like hurting animals but will kill them, as painlessly as possible, if they happen to get in his way. This has nothing to do with the kindness of understanding.

He was also a romantic of sorts, and naïve. His attraction to the Appassionata Sonata is a clue to this so is the way in which he glorified his own Machiavellianism and the squalor of the poor émigré's existence. He romanticized his own ascetism. Krupskaya tells how "Ilych was delighted" because one of their Zurich landladies, in a house frequented by thieves and prostitutes, gave them their coffee in cups with broken handles. But it is clear that, whatever Krupskaya may have thought, Ilych did not like cups with broken handles. These for him symbolized, the renunciation of a sensitive and fastidious soul. When Kollontai extolled the merits of free love she said that sexual satisfaction was of no more account than drinking a cup of cold water. When this was reported to Lenin he flashed out: "That may be. But who wants to drink out of a cup that has been used by many others?"

By the time of his recall to Russia, Lenin was disciplined absolutely to impersonality, so that it had become his real nature. Because of this I say that he hardly knew what he was doing, or that he was facing the supreme crisis of his life. The journey in the sealed train was a hiatus. His response to the challenge of the revolution had been immediate and direct, like a reflex action. While others rushed round with loud shouts of joy, Lenin sat down then and there and composed a telegram of admonition to the Petrograd Bolsheviks. While others were seeking solidarity with all revolutionary elements, Lenin yelled across Europe the slogan of absolute exclusiveness. "Never again along the lines of the Second International! Never again with Kautsky!" he wrote to Kollontai in Stockholm. And in his telegram: "Our tactic absolute lack of confidence no support to the new government suspect Kerensky especially arming of the proletariat the sole guarantee immediate elections to the Petrograd Duma no persesuaian with other parties." And then again, when he heard that the Provisional Government, supported by some Social Democrats, was for continuing the war, "the imperialist war," and calling it a "war of defense": "Our party would disgrace itself for ever, kill itself politically, if it took part in such deceit. . . . I would choose an immediate split with no matter whom in our party, rather than surrender to social patriotism."

In Petrograd these words seemed to Lenin's foes the shrill cries of a madman to his friends the ravings of a man who had been out of touch for too long. What did Lenin know of the revolution? How could he possibly understand the power and glory of the tremendous upsurge, which he was now asking the Bolsheviks to cold-shoulder? When he arrived he would begin to understand and see things differently. The first task was to defend the revolution against all attacks from outside. Then they could think again.

But Lenin was arriving to go on saying what he had been saying for years, what he had already said in those first letters and telegrams. Already, in these and in articles for Pravda, he had laid down what Trotsky was to call "a finished analysis of the Revolutionary situation." But to those on the spot this analysis seemed irrelevant and absurd. Of the Petrograd Bolsheviks, curiously, only the young Molotov, then in his twenties and quite obscure, had grasped what Lenin was really after. When the revolution hit Russia he was editing Pravda and keeping it on Leninist lines. Then Kamenev and Stalin came back from exile in Siberia and took over from Molotov. When, in Stockholm, Lenin got hold of some copies of Pravda and read the editorials, he was horrified it was indeed high time to go back. And when at the Russian frontier Kamenev and Stalin were there to meet him, ready for an affecting welcome, Lenin's first words were: "What's this you've been writing in Pravda? We've just seen some numbers, and we gave you what for!" Krupskaya was so moved by his returning home that she could not speak to the crowd that gathered round. But Lenin found no difficulty in speaking—or in cutting short his speech when the train pulled out. "Are they going to arrest us when they get to Petrograd?" he asked. The welcoming delegation smiled. That question showed, if nothing else did, how much Comrade Vladimir Ilych was out of touch. Within three months Lenin was in hiding for his life. That showed how much the comrades had been out of touch.

Then came the great arrival. At the Finland Station the revolutionaries had taken over the Tsars' waiting room. There they waited with a bouquet and speeches for Lenin. We have this scene from Sukhanov, a non-party Menshevik sympathizer, whom Lenin would not have allowed within speaking distance of his Bolsheviks, but whom his Bolsheviks had taken up as a friend. It was to have been an affecting scene of welcome and reconciliation—and it was to put Lenin in his place, as the respected émigré leader out of touch with the realities of Russian life, who would have to learn to walk all over again before he could run. The head of the welcoming committee was Chkheidze, one of the leading Mensheviks, and it was to Chkheidze that Lenin came at a trot.

"Lenin walked, or rather ran, into the 'Czar's Room' in a bowler hat, his face chilled, and a sumptuous bouquet in his arms. Hurrying in to the middle of the room, he stopped short in front of Chkheidze as though he had run into a completely unexpected obstacle. And then Chkheidze, not abandoning his melancholy attitude, pronounced the following 'speech of welcome,' carefully preserving not only the spirit and the letter, but also the tone of a moral preceptor: 'Comrade Lenin, in the name of the Petrograd Soviet and the whole revolution, we welcome you to Russia . . . tetapi we consider that the chief task of the revolutionary democracy at present is to defend our revolution against every kind of attack both from within and without. . . . We hope that you will join us in striving towards this goal.' Chkheidze ceased. I was dismayed by the unexpectedness of it. But Lenin, it seemed, knew how to deal with all that. He stood there looking as though what was happening did not concern him in the least, glanced from one side to the other, looked over the surrounding public, and even examined the ceiling of the 'Czar's Room' while rearranging the bouquet (which harmonized rather badly with his whole figure), and, finally, having turned completely away from the delegates of the Executive Committee, he 'answered' thus: 'Dear Comrades, soldiers, sailors and workers, I am happy to greet you in the name of the victorious Russian Revolution, to greet you as the advance guard of the international proletarian army. . . . The hour is not far off when, at the summons of our Comrade Karl Liebknecht, the people [of Germany] will turn their weapons against their capitalist exploiters. . . . The Russian Revolution achieved by you has opened a new epoch. Long live the worldwide socialist revolution!'

That was the beginning. "Thus," to quote Trotsky, "the February revolution, garrulous and flabby and still rather stupid, greeted the man who had arrived with a resolute determination to set it straight both in thought and in will. Those first impressions, multiplying tenfold the alarm which he had brought with him, produced a feeling of protest in Lenin which it was difficult to restrain. How much more satisfactory to roll up his sleeves! Appealing from Chkheidze to the sailors and workers, from the defence of the Fatherland to the international revolution, from the Provisional Government to Liebknecht, Lenin merely gave a short rehearsal there at the station of his whole future policy."

The policy came next day, after further rehearsals. That same night he made a little speech to the revolutionary guard of honor on the platform, spotlighted by searchlights, the sailors standing at attention: "Comrade sailors, I greet you without knowing yet whether or not you have been believing in all the promises of the Provisional Government. But I am convinced that when they talk to you sweetly, when they promise you a lot, they are deceiving you and the whole Russian people. The people need peace the people need bread the people need land. And they give you war, hunger, no bread—leave the landlords still on the land. . . . We must fight for the social revolution, fight to the end, till the complete victory of the proletariat. Long live the world-wide social revolution!"

They put him in an armored car and drove him in triumph through cheering crowds to the Kshesinskaya Palace, the gorgeous mansion of the prima ballerina who had been the Tsar's mistress. Krupskaya was overcome by the tumultuous scene. "Those who have not lived through the revolution cannot imagine its grand and solemn beauty." Everybody was overcome, caught up in the tremendous release of primitive power, eager to see brotherhood and concord as the future state of all those who had helped pull down the Tsar. Only Lenin was not overcome. With his speech to the sailors under the searchlights on the Finland Station he had called for a new revolution: a revolution against the Provisional Government. And he went on calling. He spoke from Kshesinskaya Palace. To the mob he gave no rest. They were pleased with themselves for what they had done. Lenin told them it was not enough. To his fellow revolutionary leaders he brought a shock of reality and a sense of dismay.

And next day he made a formal speech to a meeting inside the Palace which lasted two hours.

"On the journey here with my comrades I was expecting they would take us directly from the station to Peter and Paul. We are far from that, it seems. But let us not give up the hope that it will happen, that we shall not escape it." From savage irony, directed at those who thought they could come to a compromise with the liberals and the capitalists in the Provisional Government, he went on to the downright expression of views which seemed to his audience to have no connection at all with what was really happening. They were as pleased with their revolution as a dog with two tails. They thought they had done wonderfully well. And here was Lenin, who had watched all from the safety of Switzerland, throwing it in their teeth—not a word of congratulation or praise, just scathing contempt, like a lash. And in its place? Here again, Sukhanov:—

"He swept aside agrarian reforms, along with all the other policies of the Soviet. He demanded that the peasants should themselves organize and seize the land without any governmental interference. We don't need any parliamentary republic. We don't need any bourgeois democracy. We don't need any government except the Soviet of workers', soldiers', and peasants' deputies.'"

The audience felt they had been hit over the head. Next day came the celebrated April Theses. In Trotsky's summary: "The republic which has issued from the February revolution is not our republic, and the war which it is waging is not our war. The task of the Bolsheviks is to overthrow the imperialist government. But this government rests upon the support of the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, who in turn are supported by the trustfulness of the masses of the people. We are in the minority. In these circumstances there can be no talk of violence on our side. We must teach the masses not to trust the compromisers and defensists. 'We must patiently explain!' The success of this policy, dictated by the whole existing situation, is assured, and it will bring us to the dictatorship of the proletariat, and so beyond the boundaries of the bourgeois regime. We will break absolutely with capital, publish its secret treaties, and summon the workers of the whole world to cast loose from the bourgeoisie and put an end to the war. We are beginning the international revolution. Only its success will confirm, our success, and guarantee a transition to the socialist regime."

Lenin was alone. The April Theses were offered in his name. They infuriated the Mensheviks and drove many Bolsheviks into the Menshevik camp. He did not mind. "Do not be afraid to remain in a minority." And he proposed a formal break with the Mensheviks. He would no longer share with them the name of Social Democrat. "Personally, and speaking for myself alone, I propose that we change the name of our party, that we call it the Communist Party." Not one of the members of the conference agreed to that final break with the Second International, which had betrayed itself when its members voted war credits to their own government in 1914. "You are afraid to go back on your old memories?" he jeered. "Don't hang on to an old word which is rotten through and through. Have the will to build a new party . . . and all the oppressed will come to you."

"Have the will to build a new party," this extraordinary man demanded in the moment of the party's triumph. Six months later the deed was done, but not before Lenin himself had been driven into hiding to escape from Peter and Paul.

How was it done? What was it all about?

The October revolution was produced by the impact of two distinct forces. One was immense, undisciplined, unsettled as to purpose, and a mass of contradictions the other compact, maneuverable, and single-minded. One was the people of Russia in revolt, who in March had overthrown the Tsar the other was the extreme left wing of a single revolutionary party among many, the Bolshevik wing of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. At the moment of crisis this party was reduced for all practical purposes to a single individual, Vladimir Ilych Lenin, born Ulyanov, who had made Bolshevism, sustained it, preserved its inviolability against bitter odds, identified it absolutely with himself, and yet, on the eve of its triumph, was on the verge of resigning from it. The Bolshevik Party in crisis was nothing but Lenin's will and the men who were prepared to submit to it absolutely. If Lenin had resigned after his return to Russia in 1917 it would have lost its identity, swallowed up by the Mensheviks and the "Compromisers." Lenin would have formed another party, but too late to win for himself the government of Russia there would have been no Soviet Union. On the other hand, had Lenin given in to the popular demand and allowed his most trusted colleagues to persuade him into compromise, he would have lost his own identity and Bolshevism would have lost its meaning there would have been no Soviet Union. Lenin made his unbelievable stand when he trotted into the Finland Station in his bowler hat and found himself face to face with Chkheidze.

It was Lenin's personality and tactical skill alone which enabled him, in the name of Marx, to make skilled Marxists follow him against the teachings of Marx. He did this, in the end, by the means he outlined in the April Theses. In the suffering and confusion of revolutionary Russia he held aloof from those who were trying to make the revolution work. He harassed them and embarrassed them with absolute ruthlessness. He appealed to the people, the workers, the soldiers, the peasants, for whom generations of revolutionary intelligentsia had sacrificed themselves, over the heads of the men who had at last helped the people, the workers, the soldiers, and the peasants, to carry out the revolution. He appealed to their most selfish instincts: the desire for bread, for land, for peace. And, in the end, he got them on his side sufficiently to overthrow the government of Petrograd. For this he substituted the dictatorship of the proletariat, which meant, in effect, the dictatorship of Lenin's will.

He was a man selfless and without ambition. dia adalah sangat lacking in imagination. He loved the people as animals, not as people. He pitied them, but he did not respect them. He was, in the last degree, a sentimentalist. He wanted to save the people from the dreadful tyranny of the Tsars—but in his way and no other. His way held the seeds of another tyranny. He did not see this. If he had been able to see this, he would not have had the superhuman single-mindedness which carried him through all the isolation of the years in the wilderness, denouncing like a minor prophet all those, however beloved, who saw differently from him, on to the Finland Station, at a trot, to declare war, and sustain it to victory, against a revolution which promised to give the people of Russia all that they had ever asked. His sustaining faith, his scientific base, as he would have called it, was that the world revolution, which alone could sustain the Russian revolution, was at hand. Dia salah.


Did the Germans purposefully arrange to send Lenin to Russia to start a revolution?

A recent documentary, The World Wars, on the History Channel suggested, strongly, that the Imperial German government secretly arranged safe-passage for Vladimir Lenin to return to Moscow from Switzerland in 1917. Moreover, the Germans gave him financing through 1918 with the hope that Lenin would start a revolution that would cause Russia to withdraw its war with Germany during World War I.

If true, who came up with the idea and was there any consideration that a communist Russia could eventually be a threat to Germany?

How much did the arrangement cost the Germans, money-wise?

EDIT: Here's the transcript of "The World Wars" episode dealing with Germany's "Secrete Weapon"

[BEGIN TRANSCRIPT] [Narrator] Germany devises a plan to eliminate the Russian threat once and for all. The Germans load a secrete weapon unto a heavily guarded train headed for Russia. It's a weapon that promises to destroy their enemies from the inside out. [Dramatization showing a train station with the caption "St. Petersburg, Russia"] That weapon is Vladimir Lenin. Lenin is the leader of Russia's communist revolutionaries, hell bent on toppling the Russian Czar. For the past ten years he's been in exile in Switzerland . until Germany sends him home on a train along with over ten million dollars to fund his revolution.

[a Historian speaks] "The Germans decided that they would take this enormous gamble and bring Lenin back to Russia to bring about a Revolution to get Russia out of the war. That's about as radical a step as you can take" [Quote with caption: Robert Gellately. Historian, Florida State University]

[Narrator] When Lenin gets to Moscow, he's greeted by an old friend. Six times he's been exiled to Siberia and six times he's escaped. His name is Joseph Stalin.

"Comrade" [Dramatization of Joseph Stalin speaking to Lenin] "Comrade" [Lenin replies back]

[Narrator] Reunited, the two play right into Germany's plan as they begin to plot an armed rebellion. Over the next few months, Lenin and Stalin recruit a massive workers militia using the ten million dollars from the German government. They quietly amass a stockpile of weapons until they are ready to make their move.

"I've arranged to take the train stations and the telephone communications." [Dramatization of Joseph Stalin speaking to Lenin]

"And the palace guard?" [Lenin questions Stalin]

"Many of our sources say they are sympathetic to our cause." [Stalin replies back]

"Our training has been perfect." [Lenin says]

[Narrator] The communists storm the winter palace. The Soviet Union will soon rise to power.

"This is just the beginning comrades." [Dramatization of Stalin speaking to Lenin at the conquered palace]

[Narrator] Just days later Lenin signs a decree that takes Russia out of the war. The German plan works . bringing them one step closer to victory.

[Narrator] Europe is at war and in a bold move the central powers have ended the fighting on the Eastern Front sending exiled revolutionary Vladimir Lenin back to Russia where he seized control of the country and took the Russian army out of the fight. Germany can turn it's attention to the other allies. [end of the discussion regarding Lenin] [END TRANSCRIPT]


Funds Provision

However, the Kaiser Wilhelm II not only provided a means of transport for the Bolshevik conspirator but also gave him tens of millions of marks. The discovery, published by the weekly news magazine “Stern” in the 90s, made use of bank account numbers, dates and amounts of payments, to demonstrate that the Russian Revolution was financed by the Germans. Bagaimanapun, itu tidak sepenuhnya baru, karena beberapa musuh Lenin telah menuduhnya tentang hal ini. Uni Soviet dan Jerman selalu membantah, tetapi masih ada beberapa bukti. Misalnya, pada tanggal 18 Juni 1917, seorang tokoh industri Jerman mengirimkan 350.000 mark ke rekening yang berhak diberikan kepada Lenin di Swedia. Pada 8 Januari 1918, pembayaran dari Reichsbank dikirim ke Trotsky. Beberapa sejarawan berpendapat bahwa Jerman juga memberikan koordinasi politik kepada Lenin.


Tonton videonya: Presiden Rusia Tak Henti Tertawa Usai Dengar Nama Indonesia Disebut, Ini Penyebabnya (Mungkin 2022).